Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Italian counterpart Giorgia Meloni water a tree after planting it, in Rome on Wednesday. (PMO)
❑Related reports on P-5
===AUTHOR’S NAME AND AFFILIATION===
PMO
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Italian counterpart Giorgia Meloni water a tree after planting it, in Rome on Wednesday. (PMO)
❑Related reports on P-5
===AUTHOR’S NAME AND AFFILIATION===
PMO
By Our Reporter
SHILLONG, May 20: Three persons claiming to be members of the Hynniewtrep Achik National Movement (HANM) were arrested by police on Tuesday evening for allegedly demanding money from a business establishment at Khyndai Lad.
Confirming the incident on Wednesday, East Khasi Hills SP Vivek Syiem said the accused had allegedly demanded Rs 25,000 from a business unit located at Khyndai Lad a few days ago.
According to the SP, the accused had reportedly fixed a time on Tuesday evening to collect the money.
Personnel from Sadar Police Station laid a trap and caught the three red-handed when they arrived to collect the cash at around 6 pm.
Syiem stated that during preliminary inquiry it was found that the accused had allegedly sought “donations” using a letterhead without obtaining permission from the office of the Deputy Commissioner.
“The collection of money in such a manner amounts to extortion,” the SP added.
Police produced the accused before the court on Wednesday, which remanded them to judicial custody.
Sources said the three are residents of Bishnupur, Lumparing and Mawlai Mawdatbaki.
By Our Reporter
SHILLONG, May 20: Police on Wednesday arrested a Williamnagar resident on charges of uploading obscene content on social media.
The accused identified as Newbard M. Sangma allegedly uploaded sexually explicit content targeting women using vulgar language, police said, adding that a case has been registered against him at Williamnagar Police Station under provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita and the Information Technology Act, 2000.
East Garo Hills SP, S.A. Rynjah said an investigation was initiated after the authorities received information that the accused had been habitually uploading vulgar and obscene content through his Facebook account and YouTube channel.
The police officer also warned that uploading, transmitting or publishing sexually explicit material on social media platforms constitutes a cognisable offence.
By Our Reporter
SHILLONG, May 20: The High Court of Meghalaya on Wednesday declined to stay the proposed public hearing scheduled for May 22 in connection with the proposed limestone mining project at Lum Syrman, Nongkhlieh Elaka in East Jaintia Hills by Shree Cements.
Hearing a writ petition filed by Bunlangki Sukhlain and 60 others, the Single Bench of Justice Hamarsan Singh Thangkhiew observed that the petitioners would be at liberty to place their objections and supporting materials before the authorities during the public hearing process.
The petitioners had challenged the proposed public hearing relating to the establishment of limestone mining in the area, contending that the project land is under their use and occupation and strongly objecting to any mining activity there.
Appearing for the petitioners, T.L. Jyrwa submitted that the Executive Summary prepared by the project proponent had wrongly described the land as barren land. He argued that the rights of the petitioners would be severely affected if the mining project proceeds and sought an interim stay on the public hearing.
However, Advocate General Amit Kumar, assisted by Additional Senior Government Advocate A.H. Kharwanlang, opposed the plea, arguing that the matter was still at a preliminary stage since the public notice issued by the Meghalaya State Pollution Control Board on April 17 had merely invited suggestions, comments and objections from affected persons and stakeholders.
The Advocate General further referred to an earlier order passed by the High Court on December 16, 2025 in WP(C) No. 684 of 2025 concerning the same project, wherein the court had refused to grant interim relief to stay a previous public hearing scheduled for December 19, 2025.
Senior advocate Nitish Mozika also supported the submissions made by the state and maintained that the petitioners could raise all objections during the public hearing.
After hearing the parties and examining the materials on record, the court noted that the public notice issued by the MSPCB had specifically invited objections and comments regarding the environmental aspects of the proposed project from all affected persons and stakeholders.
“In the considered view of this Court therefore, as the objection of the writ petitioners is also as to the status of the land contained in the Executive Summary, they shall be at liberty to present materials at the time of the public hearing which shall be taken into due consideration by the authorities, who are to decide the matter in accordance with law,” the court observed.
The court also stated that the petitioners would have recourse to alternative remedies if they had any issue concerning title and possession of the land in question.
The matter has been listed for further hearing on June 12.
VPP wants public hearing scrapped
The VPP’s East Jaintia Hills district committee staged a sit-in on Wednesday, demanding that the state government scrap the proposed mining project at Lumshyrman under (Contd on P-7)
By Our Reporter
SHILLONG, May 20: There is no shortage of petrol and diesel in Meghalaya at present, and the recent hike in fuel prices was a decision taken by the Centre and not by the state government, Food and Civil Supplies Minister Methodius Dkhar clarified on Wednesday.
Following two price hikes within a span of five days, petrol price in Shillong has gone up to Rs 99.63 per litre while diesel is priced at Rs 90.94.
Speaking to media persons on the rise in prices of petrol, diesel and essential commodities in view of the ongoing US-Iran war, the minister urged the public not to panic, while advising people to remain cautious about the global situation.
“Do not panic, but be cautious,” Dkhar said, adding that war affects not only petroleum products but also several other commodities linked to transportation and supply chains.
(Contd on P-7)
By Our Reporter
SHILLONG, May 20: The District and Sessions Judge of West Jaintia Hills, Noor Ain Khan, convicted former Sub-Inspector Glithstone Ch. Marak on Tuesday in connection with the custodial death of Emsalon Tariang that occurred in 1997.
According to the prosecution, on November 16, 1997, at around 1:00 AM, SI Glithstone Ch. Marak, then In-Charge of Raliang Outpost, and his staff arrested Emsalon Tariang from his residence without any stated reason. The victim’s mother alleged that the police personnel, who were intoxicated, severely beat and threatened her son inside the outpost. The following morning at around 7 am, she found her son dead and naked inside the outpost.
A case was registered at Jowai Police Station vide Case No. 104(11)97 under Sections 302/34 IPC. The case was investigated and charge-sheeted by the then Officer In-Charge, Inspector Nila Kalita.
After a trial lasting 29 years, the court found the former police (Contd on P-7)
By Our Reporter
SHILLONG, May 20: The Department of Higher Education under the Ministry of Education on Wednesday issued an advertisement inviting applications for the appointment to the post of Vice-Chancellor of the North-Eastern Hill University (NEHU).
The move comes ahead of the comple- tion of the tenure of the incumbent VC Prof. Prabha Shankar Shukla, whose term is scheduled to end on July 26. According to the advertisement, the VC, being the academic as well as administrative head of the university, is expected to be a person possessing the highest level of competence, integrity, morals and institutional commitment.
The candidate should be a distinguished academician with a minimum of 10 years’ experience as Professor in a university or 10 years’ experience in a reputed research and/or academic administrative organisation with proof of having demonstrated academic leadership. The Ministry has also stated that the applicant should preferably not be more than 65 years of age as on the closing date for receipt of applications.
The post carries a fixed pay of Rs 2,10,000 per month along with a special allowance of Rs. 11,250 and other usual allowances as admissible under university rules. It was informed that the appointment will be made from a panel of names recommended by a committee constituted under the provisions of the University Act. The advertisement has been made available on the websites of education.gov.in and nehu.ac.in. Candidates have been asked to apply online through the Ministry of Education SAMARTH (vcrec. smarth.ac.in/index.php/). The online appli- cation portal became active from 10 am on May 20 and will remain open till 5 pm on June 18, 2026.
The advertisement comes against the backdrop of a prolonged leadership vacuum at NEHU after the VC’s continued absence since November 2024. Faculty and adminis- trative staff described the absence as having created measurable operational challenges across academic and administrative func- tions.
Officials said routine decision-making on matters such as approvals for new courses, faculty recruitment, promotion cases, and sanctioning of funds has frequently stalled or been delayed.
Several departmental heads reported dif- ficulties in obtaining signatures and formal clearances for academic calendars, examina- tion schedules, research grants, affecting both teaching and research timelines, and other administrative bottlenecks.
By Bhogtoram Mawroh
The recent tussle between the Hima Sohra and the KHADC over the issue of succession may seem like a local event explained by issues that are contextual to the functioning of the pres-ent VPP-led KHADC and its relationship with traditional institutions. However, that would be grossly misjudg-ing the implications that any deviation from customary norms might have on the entire Khasi community. Ac-cording to custom, it is the Syiem Khynnah who has to succeed the deceased Syiem and, by that logic, Maremdor Syiem should have succeeded to the position after the death of Paiem Freeman Syiem. I am very concerned about the disturbance in the Hima, and, in light of the legal issues surrounding Scheduled Tribe status in the Constitution, I think all Khasis should also be deeply concerned about what is happening in Hima Sohra.
On March 24, 2026, the Supreme Court, in its judg-ment in Chinthada Anand v. State of Andhra Pradesh, reasserted that Dalit individu-als lose their Scheduled Caste (SC) status upon converting to Christianity or Islam. This has come as a big blow to the Dalits, who are among the most oppressed groups in Indian society, and dis-crimination against them has continued to this day. The animosity against them has its antecedents in the caste system, which divides Hindu society into four groups, with Brahmins at the top, followed by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. Brahmins wrote the religious scriptures, so it is no surprise that they gave themselves the top position, and their attitude towards the Shudras was one of derision and disgust. For example the Manusmriti (a classical Hindu law code) recommends that if a low-caste person were to place himself on the same seat as a high-caste person, he should be branded and ban-ished, or his buttock should be gashed, i.e., a long deep cut should be made into the skin. Shudras today are known as the OBCs, while the Dalits were considered to be even lower than them. They were known as untouchables and one practice is frequently cited which highlights the discrimination against them is that during the Peshwa’s orthodox Brahmanical rule of the Maratha Empire, Dal-its were made to tie brooms behind their backs to sweep away the dust of their foot-prints. The discrimination against lower castes was ini-tially thought to be a product of religious interpretation, where ritual purity or impurity based on profession was the criterion for one’s position in the caste system. However, genetic studies have revealed that the lower castes (OBCs and Dalits) generally have South Asian ancestry, i.e., Dravidian, while the upper castes have Steppe ancestry, i.e., Indo-Aryan. Thus, the caste system was not based only on profession but also on ethnicity.
Post-independence, the In-dian state enacted the Sched-uled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atroci-ties) Act, 1989 (known as the SC/ST Act or Atrocities Act) to protect Dalits and tribals against caste-based violence, discrimination, and humili-ation. However, with the 2026 judgment, those Dalits who converted to Islam and Christianity will no longer be protected under this law. This is based on the assumption that these two religions do not believe in caste and therefore caste-based discrimination does not exist within them. The absence of caste in these religions is contested by many because, in Indian society, a change of religion does not always erase caste. When upper-caste Hindus converted to Islam, they became known as Ashraf, while lower castes came to be known as Ajlaf. This is also the case with those converting to Christian-ity. Furthermore, the case of Chinthada Anand v. State of Andhra Pradesh demonstrates that, despite the complainant, Chinthada Anand, having served as a pastor for ten years, he was still subjected to caste-based slurs and vio-lence. Therefore, the judgment has not been welcomed by all, although technically it is cor-rect because the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950 originally included only Hindus within its ambit but has since been amended to in-clude Sikhism and Buddhism, though not Christianity. Once a constitutional amendment is made, that may change. But there was another component of the judgment that came as a relief to another oppressed group, i.e., the tribals or indig-enous peoples.
In the same judgment, the Supreme Court stated that the rules governing Sched-uled Tribe (ST) status are diametrically opposite. Un-like the Constitution (Sched-uled Castes) Order, 1950, the Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950 does not prescribe religion-based ex-clusion, i.e., a ST can belong to any religion. Also to retain ST status after converting to a new religion, individuals must continue to possess the essen-tial attributes of tribal identity, continue to follow their cus-tomary practices and rituals, maintain their social organi-zation and community life, and continue to be accepted by the concerned tribal com-munity. For such individuals to forfeit their ST status, they must completely abandon their customary practices, rituals, and traditional traits by fully assimilating into the new religion. Those who would like to verify this can read the judgment, which is available online, and refer to paragraph 55(g).
The Court is well aware that a large number of indig-enous groups have converted to Christianity while continu-ing to adhere to their cus-tomary practices, especially relating to laws of succession inheritance and marriage. For example, although many Kha-sis have converted to Chris-tianity, while others have adopted Hinduism or Islam, they continue to observe tra-ditional lineage rules based on matrilineal customs and main-tain indigenous socio-political institutions such as the Hima Dorbar and its corresponding bodies at different levels of the traditional political struc-ture, namely the Hima, Elaka, Raid, and Shnong. Once these practices and institutions cease to exist, the connection to tradition is severed. The community would then be re-garded as having assimilated into the customs associated with their new identity and, consequently, as no longer belonging to their former tribal identity.
In a 2025 PIL filed by Syngkhong Rympei Thym-mai (SRT), the Khasi Hills Autonomous District (Khasi Social Custom of Lineage) Act, 1997 is being challenged in the Meghalaya High Court, advocating for the freedom to adopt patrilineal customs, which are non-Khasi prac-tices. In light of this Supreme Court judgment, it is quite likely that the 1997 Act will be upheld. What could also transpire is the Court asking for the ST status to be stripped from individuals who have taken their father’s surname. I do not see how those advo-cating for patrilineal customs will be allowed to retain their ST status, since that would mean that they have completely abandoned their customary practices.
In his article “Separating Facts from Political Misinfor-mation,” Alan West Kharkon-gor implicitly suggests that the KHADC might be prop-ping up Paiem Syiem, nephew of Late Paiem Freeman Sing Syiem, as a contender. Based on customary practice, he does not qualify because he has converted to Christian-ity, and there is fear that the KHADC could be trying to reinterpret this traditional practice of Hima Sohra. If that happens, the Hima Dorbar will no longer be a traditional institution but will instead become a modern institution, meaning that the traditional social organization of the Khasi no longer exists. After Sohra, the next target could be Hima Khyrim, which also allows only those of the indig-enous faith to hold the office of the Syiem. Therefore, the stakes for the identity of the community are very high, and I am convinced that if the KHADC attempts to override the Hima and impose its own candidate, the matter will be taken to court, where any decision will have to be made in accordance with the condi-tions established in the 2026 judgment. The demolition of traditional institutions and customary norms would dis-enfranchise a huge number of Khasis, especially those who have converted to Christian-ity. If that happens and a large percentage of the population ceases to be classified as Scheduled Tribe, the Sixth Schedule may no longer apply to the state, since it would no longer be considered a tribal-dominated area. In a scenario where constitutional protec-tions are removed, the restric-tions on the sale of land to the non-indigenous population will no longer be applicable and, over time, demographic change would also become a possibility. Is this entire affair about disenfranchising the indigenous community and taking over the land and re-sources? I, sincerely hope that those demanding these chang-es are completely unaware of the legal implications of their actions. Or maybe they are not, and they know exactly what they want? Whatever the case may be, since at least one of the matters has reached the court, i.e., the PIL on chang-ing matrilineal traditions, and the other might eventually join it, we will know soon enough what the fate of the Khasi people will be.
(The views expressed in the article are those of the author and do not reflect in any way his affiliation to any organisa-tion or institution)
By H. Srikanth
Soon the first batch of NEHU UG students admitted under the Four-Year Undergraduate Program (FYUP) will complete their third year. Earlier, those who successfully completed a three-year degree program were awarded an honours degree. But now, under the FYUP, they must study for one more year to secure an Honours degree. The statutory academic bodies in NEHU have designed the syllabus for the fourth-year of FYUP. All that the NEHU PG departments taught for the first-year PG program is now transferred to the fourth-year degree course under FYUP. Only students who complete the courses will obtain a Degree with Honours or a Degree with Research and Honors. If the students drop out after three years, they only get a degree. Naturally, every student will wonder whether to stop with a three-year degree or go for the fourth year to secure an Honours degree.
Last year, the Meghalaya Chapter of All India Save Education (AISEC) published two reports in The Shillong Times (TST, December 2 and 9, 2025) reflecting the experiences of students and teachers with the FYUP. The study showed how the syllabus and curriculum were drastically changed in the colleges, increasing the number of core papers and including value-added and vocational courses and internships. Hardly any effort was made to increase the number of teachers in the UG colleges. As a result, the UG teachers’ teaching and exam load has doubled. It has also come to light that college fees rose considerably after introducing the FYUP, and several students have dropped out of the degree courses. Several students have complained that they get little time to study the core courses and cannot secure good scores because they must sit for too many exams in too little time. As they move to the fourth-year degree, their problems will only multiply, as no one seems to be interested in addressing their issues. The NEHU authorities, the state government and the college managements behave as if everything is fine with the FYUP in Meghalaya.
Initially, the central government enticed the state governments and the universities to introduce the FYUP. Everyone believed that the NEP 2020 would enhance the educational standards and align our education system with those in the US, Canada, and Australia. The FYUP promised to introduce alternative courses, an innovative ranking and evaluation system, multidisciplinary courses, vocational courses, research orientation, and alignment with international institutions of repute. To implement these measures effectively, one requires adequate public funding, improved infrastructure, additional qualified faculty, and institutional preparedness. But the central government, which introduced the NEP 2020, virtually did nothing to provide these essential requirements. Public funding for higher education has reduced drastically in recent times. Even the central universities are facing a financial crunch and running the courses with little money and fewer faculty. The problem is even more acute at the UG level, where most of the colleges are private. When reputed universities like Delhi University complain about the difficulties in implementing the FYUP, one can imagine the fate of colleges in the peripheral regions.
Barring a handful of elite city-based colleges, most UG colleges in the state lack the capacity or resources to run the FYUP. Left to themselves, several UG colleges may not even opt for the fourth-year degree course under the FYUP. A standard three-year degree is more than sufficient to meet the needs of students aspiring for most competitive exams. A three-year degree is enough to take admission to a two-year PG course offered by Indian universities. The only hitch is that although students complete 33 papers with 120 credits in their three-year degree course, the three-year degree is legally not considered an Honors degree. But should that consideration alone compel students to pursue the fourth year? Do students secure better jobs in the government or private sector if they complete a four-year degree? Will they get admission to reputed foreign universities for higher studies? Do they become eligible for direct admission to the PG courses or to the research programs within the country? Unfortunately, those who pushed for the FYUP do not answer these questions.
In recent years, the value of the rupee has declined so much that studying in foreign universities has become unaffordable even for students coming from upper-middle-class families. Countries like the US and Canada are imposing restrictions on the entry of Indian students, and those already there are facing several problems. No state or central government has declared any incentive for the students doing the FYUP. Given that not all UG students have academics as their career option, it makes little sense to burden all students with research programs or advanced academic courses. Further, it needs to be clear to the students that there is little chance of getting into one-year PG courses or doing a Ph.D. directly bypassing the PG courses. We do not have even a handful of universities in India today that have adopted a one-year PG program. Lucknow University is the only university that claimed it introduced a One-Year PG to accommodate FYUP students. Delhi University claims it passed the resolution to start one-year PG, but teachers’ associations are protesting the resolution passed without proper dialogue and discussion. Most other universities have taken no initiative. So, the fate of students who complete a four-year degree is unclear.
The situation at NEHU is no better. By now, it is clear to everyone that NEHU adopted the FYUP without proper groundwork. The state government and the college managements passively fell in line with the VC of NEHU, Prof. P.S. Shukla, who was bent on introducing the FYUP without preparing the groundwork for the same. Now, Prof. Shukla’s term as VC is officially ending soon, but the problems his absence created will continue to affect the functioning of the university and its affiliated colleges. No one knows when a new VC will be appointed or whether the new VC would be better or worse off than the incumbent one.
Of late, like many other public universities, NEHU has been facing a severe financial crisis in recent years, affecting the quality of teaching and research programs. The PG departments themselves find it difficult to implement the NEP at the PG level, as there are no additional funds/resources for students doing research at the PG level. The students are spending a considerable amount to complete the PG dissertations. Some resort to foul means and get dissertations written by AI or by professionals. As many senior teachers have retired and the vacancies are not filled up, the teachers in some departments are supervising seven to 10 PG dissertations. It is very unlikely that the teachers would take on additional load and go for a one-year PG program. Given this situation, what will be the future of the students who opt to complete the fourth-year under the FYUP? Is it not better for them to stop with a three-year degree and take admission to PG courses in NEHU rather than doing the fourth-year FYUP in UG colleges where we lack resources and qualified teachers? Should the students and parents waste time and money to pursue the fourth year under FYUP? It is high time those defending the FYUP explain how pursuing the fourth year of the degree under FYUP helps, so that students and their parents can make an informed and rational decision.
By Our Reporter
SHILLONG, May 20: The Department of Sociology, North-Eastern Hill University (NEHU), Shillong, organised a two-day national seminar to mark 50 years of its academic presence and contribution to social science research in the region.
The seminar, held at the Multi-Use Convention Hall, was themed ‘Sociology and Social Science Research in Northeast India: A 50 Years Retrospection into its Academic Journey’, and was supported by the Chief Minister’s Office and the Indian Council of Social Science Research-North Eastern Regional Centre (ICSSR-NERC).
During the seminar, eminent sociologist Prof. (Retd.) Virginius Xaxa, while delivering the keynote address, emphasised the necessity of interdisciplinary research.
He described Northeast as a distinct sociological space that requires deeper academic engagement rooted in its specific social and cultural contexts.
During the inaugural session, speakers discussed the role of sociology in addressing contemporary social challenges, preserving cultural heritage such as sacred groves and adapting to rapid global development.
The programme also featured paper presentations on ethnicity, culture, gender, migration and globalisation.
The seminar was coordinated by Prof. Rekha M. Shangpliang, Head of the Department of Sociology, and concluded on Tuesday with a valedictory session chaired by Prof. B. Panda, Director of ICSSR-NERC.