Author Archives: TARIQ ABDULLAH

By H. Srikanth

Soon the first batch of NEHU UG students admitted under the Four-Year Undergraduate Program (FYUP) will complete their third year. Earlier, those who successfully completed a three-year degree program were awarded an honours degree. But now, under the FYUP, they must study for one more year to secure an Honours degree. The statutory academic bodies in NEHU have designed the syllabus for the fourth-year of FYUP. All that the NEHU PG departments taught for the first-year PG program is now transferred to the fourth-year degree course under FYUP. Only students who complete the courses will obtain a Degree with Honours or a Degree with Research and Honors. If the students drop out after three years, they only get a degree. Naturally, every student will wonder whether to stop with a three-year degree or go for the fourth year to secure an Honours degree.

Last year, the Meghalaya Chapter of All India Save Education (AISEC) published two reports in The Shillong Times (TST, December 2 and 9, 2025) reflecting the experiences of students and teachers with the FYUP. The study showed how the syllabus and curriculum were drastically changed in the colleges, increasing the number of core papers and including value-added and vocational courses and internships. Hardly any effort was made to increase the number of teachers in the UG colleges. As a result, the UG teachers’ teaching and exam load has doubled. It has also come to light that college fees rose considerably after introducing the FYUP, and several students have dropped out of the degree courses. Several students have complained that they get little time to study the core courses and cannot secure good scores because they must sit for too many exams in too little time. As they move to the fourth-year degree, their problems will only multiply, as no one seems to be interested in addressing their issues. The NEHU authorities, the state government and the college managements behave as if everything is fine with the FYUP in Meghalaya.

Initially, the central government enticed the state governments and the universities to introduce the FYUP. Everyone believed that the NEP 2020 would enhance the educational standards and align our education system with those in the US, Canada, and Australia. The FYUP promised to introduce alternative courses, an innovative ranking and evaluation system, multidisciplinary courses, vocational courses, research orientation, and alignment with international institutions of repute. To implement these measures effectively, one requires adequate public funding, improved infrastructure, additional qualified faculty, and institutional preparedness. But the central government, which introduced the NEP 2020, virtually did nothing to provide these essential requirements. Public funding for higher education has reduced drastically in recent times. Even the central universities are facing a financial crunch and running the courses with little money and fewer faculty. The problem is even more acute at the UG level, where most of the colleges are private. When reputed universities like Delhi University complain about the difficulties in implementing the FYUP, one can imagine the fate of colleges in the peripheral regions.

Barring a handful of elite city-based colleges, most UG colleges in the state lack the capacity or resources to run the FYUP. Left to themselves, several UG colleges may not even opt for the fourth-year degree course under the FYUP. A standard three-year degree is more than sufficient to meet the needs of students aspiring for most competitive exams. A three-year degree is enough to take admission to a two-year PG course offered by Indian universities. The only hitch is that although students complete 33 papers with 120 credits in their three-year degree course, the three-year degree is legally not considered an Honors degree. But should that consideration alone compel students to pursue the fourth year? Do students secure better jobs in the government or private sector if they complete a four-year degree? Will they get admission to reputed foreign universities for higher studies? Do they become eligible for direct admission to the PG courses or to the research programs within the country? Unfortunately, those who pushed for the FYUP do not answer these questions.

In recent years, the value of the rupee has declined so much that studying in foreign universities has become unaffordable even for students coming from upper-middle-class families. Countries like the US and Canada are imposing restrictions on the entry of Indian students, and those already there are facing several problems. No state or central government has declared any incentive for the students doing the FYUP. Given that not all UG students have academics as their career option, it makes little sense to burden all students with research programs or advanced academic courses. Further, it needs to be clear to the students that there is little chance of getting into one-year PG courses or doing a Ph.D. directly bypassing the PG courses. We do not have even a handful of universities in India today that have adopted a one-year PG program. Lucknow University is the only university that claimed it introduced a One-Year PG to accommodate FYUP students. Delhi University claims it passed the resolution to start one-year PG, but teachers’ associations are protesting the resolution passed without proper dialogue and discussion. Most other universities have taken no initiative. So, the fate of students who complete a four-year degree is unclear.

The situation at NEHU is no better. By now, it is clear to everyone that NEHU adopted the FYUP without proper groundwork. The state government and the college managements passively fell in line with the VC of NEHU, Prof. P.S. Shukla, who was bent on introducing the FYUP without preparing the groundwork for the same. Now, Prof. Shukla’s term as VC is officially ending soon, but the problems his absence created will continue to affect the functioning of the university and its affiliated colleges. No one knows when a new VC will be appointed or whether the new VC would be better or worse off than the incumbent one.

Of late, like many other public universities, NEHU has been facing a severe financial crisis in recent years, affecting the quality of teaching and research programs. The PG departments themselves find it difficult to implement the NEP at the PG level, as there are no additional funds/resources for students doing research at the PG level. The students are spending a considerable amount to complete the PG dissertations. Some resort to foul means and get dissertations written by AI or by professionals. As many senior teachers have retired and the vacancies are not filled up, the teachers in some departments are supervising seven to 10 PG dissertations. It is very unlikely that the teachers would take on additional load and go for a one-year PG program. Given this situation, what will be the future of the students who opt to complete the fourth-year under the FYUP? Is it not better for them to stop with a three-year degree and take admission to PG courses in NEHU rather than doing the fourth-year FYUP in UG colleges where we lack resources and qualified teachers? Should the students and parents waste time and money to pursue the fourth year under FYUP? It is high time those defending the FYUP explain how pursuing the fourth year of the degree under FYUP helps, so that students and their parents can make an informed and rational decision.

By Bhogtoram Mawroh

By Bhogtoram Mawroh

The recent tussle between the Hima Sohra and the KHADC over the issue of succession may seem like a local event explained by issues that are contextual to the functioning of the pres-ent VPP-led KHADC and its relationship with traditional institutions. However, that would be grossly misjudg-ing the implications that any deviation from customary norms might have on the entire Khasi community. Ac-cording to custom, it is the Syiem Khynnah who has to succeed the deceased Syiem and, by that logic, Maremdor Syiem should have succeeded to the position after the death of Paiem Freeman Syiem. I am very concerned about the disturbance in the Hima, and, in light of the legal issues surrounding Scheduled Tribe status in the Constitution, I think all Khasis should also be deeply concerned about what is happening in Hima Sohra.

On March 24, 2026, the Supreme Court, in its judg-ment in Chinthada Anand v. State of Andhra Pradesh, reasserted that Dalit individu-als lose their Scheduled Caste (SC) status upon converting to Christianity or Islam. This has come as a big blow to the Dalits, who are among the most oppressed groups in Indian society, and dis-crimination against them has continued to this day. The animosity against them has its antecedents in the caste system, which divides Hindu society into four groups, with Brahmins at the top, followed by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. Brahmins wrote the religious scriptures, so it is no surprise that they gave themselves the top position, and their attitude towards the Shudras was one of derision and disgust. For example the Manusmriti (a classical Hindu law code) recommends that if a low-caste person were to place himself on the same seat as a high-caste person, he should be branded and ban-ished, or his buttock should be gashed, i.e., a long deep cut should be made into the skin. Shudras today are known as the OBCs, while the Dalits were considered to be even lower than them. They were known as untouchables and one practice is frequently cited which highlights the discrimination against them is that during the Peshwa’s orthodox Brahmanical rule of the Maratha Empire, Dal-its were made to tie brooms behind their backs to sweep away the dust of their foot-prints. The discrimination against lower castes was ini-tially thought to be a product of religious interpretation, where ritual purity or impurity based on profession was the criterion for one’s position in the caste system. However, genetic studies have revealed that the lower castes (OBCs and Dalits) generally have South Asian ancestry, i.e., Dravidian, while the upper castes have Steppe ancestry, i.e., Indo-Aryan. Thus, the caste system was not based only on profession but also on ethnicity.

Post-independence, the In-dian state enacted the Sched-uled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atroci-ties) Act, 1989 (known as the SC/ST Act or Atrocities Act) to protect Dalits and tribals against caste-based violence, discrimination, and humili-ation. However, with the 2026 judgment, those Dalits who converted to Islam and Christianity will no longer be protected under this law. This is based on the assumption that these two religions do not believe in caste and therefore caste-based discrimination does not exist within them. The absence of caste in these religions is contested by many because, in Indian society, a change of religion does not always erase caste. When upper-caste Hindus converted to Islam, they became known as Ashraf, while lower castes came to be known as Ajlaf. This is also the case with those converting to Christian-ity. Furthermore, the case of Chinthada Anand v. State of Andhra Pradesh demonstrates that, despite the complainant, Chinthada Anand, having served as a pastor for ten years, he was still subjected to caste-based slurs and vio-lence. Therefore, the judgment has not been welcomed by all, although technically it is cor-rect because the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950 originally included only Hindus within its ambit but has since been amended to in-clude Sikhism and Buddhism, though not Christianity. Once a constitutional amendment is made, that may change. But there was another component of the judgment that came as a relief to another oppressed group, i.e., the tribals or indig-enous peoples.

In the same judgment, the Supreme Court stated that the rules governing Sched-uled Tribe (ST) status are diametrically opposite. Un-like the Constitution (Sched-uled Castes) Order, 1950, the Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950 does not prescribe religion-based ex-clusion, i.e., a ST can belong to any religion. Also to retain ST status after converting to a new religion, individuals must continue to possess the essen-tial attributes of tribal identity, continue to follow their cus-tomary practices and rituals, maintain their social organi-zation and community life, and continue to be accepted by the concerned tribal com-munity. For such individuals to forfeit their ST status, they must completely abandon their customary practices, rituals, and traditional traits by fully assimilating into the new religion. Those who would like to verify this can read the judgment, which is available online, and refer to paragraph 55(g).

The Court is well aware that a large number of indig-enous groups have converted to Christianity while continu-ing to adhere to their cus-tomary practices, especially relating to laws of succession inheritance and marriage. For example, although many Kha-sis have converted to Chris-tianity, while others have adopted Hinduism or Islam, they continue to observe tra-ditional lineage rules based on matrilineal customs and main-tain indigenous socio-political institutions such as the Hima Dorbar and its corresponding bodies at different levels of the traditional political struc-ture, namely the Hima, Elaka, Raid, and Shnong. Once these practices and institutions cease to exist, the connection to tradition is severed. The community would then be re-garded as having assimilated into the customs associated with their new identity and, consequently, as no longer belonging to their former tribal identity.

In a 2025 PIL filed by Syngkhong Rympei Thym-mai (SRT), the Khasi Hills Autonomous District (Khasi Social Custom of Lineage) Act, 1997 is being challenged in the Meghalaya High Court, advocating for the freedom to adopt patrilineal customs, which are non-Khasi prac-tices. In light of this Supreme Court judgment, it is quite likely that the 1997 Act will be upheld. What could also transpire is the Court asking for the ST status to be stripped from individuals who have taken their father’s surname. I do not see how those advo-cating for patrilineal customs will be allowed to retain their ST status, since that would mean that they have completely abandoned their customary practices.

In his article “Separating Facts from Political Misinfor-mation,” Alan West Kharkon-gor implicitly suggests that the KHADC might be prop-ping up Paiem Syiem, nephew of Late Paiem Freeman Sing Syiem, as a contender. Based on customary practice, he does not qualify because he has converted to Christian-ity, and there is fear that the KHADC could be trying to reinterpret this traditional practice of Hima Sohra. If that happens, the Hima Dorbar will no longer be a traditional institution but will instead become a modern institution, meaning that the traditional social organization of the Khasi no longer exists. After Sohra, the next target could be Hima Khyrim, which also allows only those of the indig-enous faith to hold the office of the Syiem. Therefore, the stakes for the identity of the community are very high, and I am convinced that if the KHADC attempts to override the Hima and impose its own candidate, the matter will be taken to court, where any decision will have to be made in accordance with the condi-tions established in the 2026 judgment. The demolition of traditional institutions and customary norms would dis-enfranchise a huge number of Khasis, especially those who have converted to Christian-ity. If that happens and a large percentage of the population ceases to be classified as Scheduled Tribe, the Sixth Schedule may no longer apply to the state, since it would no longer be considered a tribal-dominated area. In a scenario where constitutional protec-tions are removed, the restric-tions on the sale of land to the non-indigenous population will no longer be applicable and, over time, demographic change would also become a possibility. Is this entire affair about disenfranchising the indigenous community and taking over the land and re-sources? I, sincerely hope that those demanding these chang-es are completely unaware of the legal implications of their actions. Or maybe they are not, and they know exactly what they want? Whatever the case may be, since at least one of the matters has reached the court, i.e., the PIL on chang-ing matrilineal traditions, and the other might eventually join it, we will know soon enough what the fate of the Khasi people will be.

(The views expressed in the article are those of the author and do not reflect in any way his affiliation to any organisa-tion or institution)

JUSTICE Surya Kant has literally stirred up a hornet’s nest by referring to unemployed, educated youth and those expressing views on social media who critique the government and its institutions as “Cockroaches,” attacking the system. At a time when youth are at a crossroads – educated but facing unemployment and no immediate job prospects, yet angry enough to express their views on social media – there could have been a better way to address these concerns with empathy befitting the Chief Justice’s office.

There are minimum expectations for honourables holding public offices, more so the office of a judge. Judges are expected to uphold not just the law, but also the dignity and credibility of the justice system. Hence the language they use matters. In the past the judges of this country were known for their eloquent, graceful, persuasive, and expressive orders. There was a time when judges were erudite, learned and used intellectually sophisticated language that was lucid and refined. Going back a few years, justices delivered their rulings and also interjected in court when the situation demanded, using elegant prose that impacted those listening to court proceedings. For a Chief Justice to term a generation of youth as “cockroaches” is not just demeaning but the metaphor is dehumanising. To reduce humans to the stature of insects like cockroaches, especially in a country facing serious unemployment anxieties is unpardonable. The CJI later clarified that his remarks targeted people using fake degrees and that he was “misquoted” as attacking unemployed youth. However, the episode exposed a larger issue: words spoken by judges carry their own weight and clarifications just don’t wash.

It is no surprise, therefore, that the youth, already under so much pressure would retort in a manner that made everyone sit up and take notice. Abhijeet Dipke, a youth with an imagination running wild, started the Cockroach Janta Party – CJP whose intent is to give back in equal measure to those who defamed them by calling them cockroaches. Dipke states that there are four criteria for joining the CPJ. A person must be unemployed, lazy, chronically online and can rant professionally. Their manifesto has four strategic points. If elected, the CJP will not grant a Rajya Sabha seat to any chief justice as a post retirement benefit. If a person is denied their vote, the Chief Election Commissioner would be arrested under UAPA since denying a citizen the right to vote is equal to an act of terror. The CPJ will reserve 50% of seats for women in parliament and those elected will hold 50% of cabinet seats. All media houses owned by Ambani and Adani shall have their licenses cancelled. Any MLA/MP who defects from one party to another shall be barred from holding public office for 20 years. Although the CJP is a satirical political group it has attracted over 3 to 4 million members since its launch. Currently pursuing his Masters Degree in Public Relations at Boston University, USA, Dipke has volunteered with the AAP from 2020-2023 working on a meme based digital campaigning that shaped the party’s online engagement in 2026. Dipke is the voice of GenZ and he and his followers cannot be taken for granted for satire has its space in a situation where free speech is being curtailed.

From CK Nayak

NEW DELHI, May 20: Meghalaya has emerged as one of India’s fastest-growing state economies over the past five years, reflecting a broader shift in the country’s economic growth pattern beyond the traditionally dominant industrial states, a report released by the wealth management firm Client Associates has said.

Meghalaya featured prominently in the report, posting a five-year nominal GDP CAGR (compound annual growth rate) of 15.3 per cent which is higher than the national average. The study observed that although the growth came from a relatively lower economic base, the pace of expansion remained significant in percentage terms.

The national average nominal GDP growth during the same period until FY25 stood at 14.78 per cent. Interestingly, ethnic violence-hit Manipur has also recorded nominal GDP growth above 15.04 per cent during the five-year period, the study said.

Analysing the report, experts said that in Meghalaya, once a laggard state, capital investments have multiplied fourfold since 2018. It has a thriving startup ecosystem with the Chief Minister’s signature PRIME (Promotion and Incubation of Market-driven Enterprises) which has actively funded hundreds of local entrepreneurs and generated thousands of jobs, the report said.

Giving specific examples in the IT sector, the report said the Shillong Technology Park is fully operational, attracting global industry leaders to boost local employment. Major infrastructure projects have helped boost tourism, with the state targeting 20 lakh visitors by 2028 which has helped its economy to grow.

In the Northeast, Assam registered the fastest nominal GDP growth among large states, recording a five-year CAGR of 17.3 per cent. The report attributed Assam’s performance to improved connectivity infrastructure, particularly expansion of roads and bridges supported through central funding, alongside growth in the tea and agro-processing sectors and an improved investment environment.

The study noted that a handful of states such as Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat continue to serve as the primary drivers of the national economy — together contributing nearly 48 per cent of India’s GDP. Still a number of smaller and mid-sized states like Meghalaya are now recording some of the highest growth rates in the country.

The report stated that the five-year nominal CAGR data presents a more “democratised” economic picture than conventional state GDP rankings, indicating that structural catch-up growth is beginning to emerge across a wider section of the Indian economy.

Uttar Pradesh recorded a 15.3 per cent CAGR, described as significant considering the scale of the state’s economy. It credited reforms undertaken during the current administration, including the NIVESH MITRA single-window clearance portal, land record digitisation and the expansion of logistics and defence manufacturing infrastructure, for contributing to the momentum.

Client Associates (CA) was founded as India’s first Multi Family Office firm in 2002 by two private bankers. It is the largest multi-family office in India.

From CK Nayak

NEW DELHI, May 20: Meghalaya has emerged as one of India’s fastest-growing state economies over the past five years, reflecting a broader shift in the country’s economic growth pattern beyond the traditionally dominant industrial states, a report released by the wealth management firm Client Associates has said.

Meghalaya featured prominently in the report, posting a five-year nominal GDP CAGR (compound annual growth rate) of 15.3 per cent which is higher than the national average. The study observed that although the growth came from a relatively lower economic base, the pace of expansion remained signifi-cant in percentage terms.

The national average nominal GDP growth during the same period until FY25 stood at 14.78 per cent. Interest-ingly, ethnic violence-hit Manipur has also recorded nominal GDP growth above 15.04 per cent during the five-year period, the study said.

Analysing the report, experts said that in Meghalaya, once a laggard state, capital investments have mul-tiplied fourfold since 2018. It has a thriving startup ecosystem with the Chief Minister’s signature PRIME (Promotion and Incubation of Market-driven Enterprises) which has actively funded hundreds of local entrepre-neurs and generated thousands of jobs, the report said.

Giving specific examples in the IT sector, the report said the Shillong Technology Park is fully operational, at-tracting global industry leaders to boost local employment. Major infrastructure projects have helped boost tourism, with the state targeting 20 lakh visitors by 2028 which has helped its economy to grow.

In the Northeast, Assam registered the fastest nominal GDP growth among large states, recording a five-year CAGR of 17.3 per cent. The report attributed Assam’s performance to improved connectivity infrastructure, particularly expansion of roads and bridges supported through central funding, alongside growth in the tea and agro-processing sectors and an improved investment environment.

The study noted that a handful of states such as Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat continue to serve as the primary drivers of the national economy — together contributing nearly 48 per cent of In-dia’s GDP. Still a number of smaller and mid-sized states like Meghalaya are now recording some of the highest growth rates in the country.

The report stated that the five-year nominal CAGR data presents a more “democratised” economic picture than conventional state GDP rankings, indi-cating that structural catch-up growth is beginning to emerge across a wider section of the Indian economy.

Uttar Pradesh recorded a 15.3 per cent CAGR, described as significant considering the scale of the state’s economy. It credited reforms under-taken during the current administra-tion, including the NIVESH MITRA single-window clearance portal, land record digitisation and the expansion of logistics and defence manufacturing infrastructure, for contributing to the momentum.

Client Associates (CA) was founded as India’s first Multi Family Office firm in 2002 by two private bankers. It is the largest multi-family office in India.

Basaiamoit dubs it battle between ‘rich and poor’

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, May 19: Voice of the People Party (VPP) supremo Ardent Miller Basaiamoit on Tuesday indicated he may contest from the Nartiang constituency in the 2028 Assembly elections if formally invited by Nartiang MLA and Deputy Chief Minister Sniawbhalang Dhar, describing the potential contest as a battle between “the rich and the poor”.

Addressing a public meeting at Iewpynsing, Wahiajer in West Jaintia Hills, Basaiamoit referred to an alleged invitation from Dhar and said, “If what I heard is correct and if I have not misunderstood, Deputy Chief Minister Sniawbhalang Dhar has invited me to contest from Nartiang. If he has truly invited me, perhaps I may accept it. It will be more interesting.”

He added that if he enters the fray, the election would symbolise a fight between a poor man and a rich man.

“I may not have wealth or resources, but I already feel assured that the love of the people will prevail,” he asserted.

The remarks come after Dhar, a four-time legislator from Nartiang, welcomed anyone to contest against him in 2028. Responding to speculation about VPP fielding a candidate, Dhar had said on Friday, “Anybody is welcome, no problem. It is open for anyone even from outside the constituency to contest.”

On the possibility of Basaiamoit contesting, Dhar had remarked, “If he comes to contest, (Contd on P-7)

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, May 20: Hyderabad-based BAC Infratech Pvt. Ltd. which has been in the news for bagging contracts worth over Rs 1,900 crore from the PHE Department, has now expanded its footprint in Meghalaya by bagging the prestigious Rs 732-crore Mawkhannu stadium project, albeit through proxy.

A reliable source informed The Shillong Times that another Hydera-bad-based firm—KPC Projects—had emerged as the lowest bidder (referred to as L1) for the Mawkhannu Football Stadium Complex in New Shillong, but the project has now been subcontracted to BAC Infratech Pvt. Ltd.

The project, envisioned as a 40,000-seater football-specific stadium — touted as the largest of its kind in India — carries an estimated cost of Rs 732 crore. The foundation stone was laid last year. Sources indicate that KPC Projects has subcontracted the EPC (engineer-ing, procurement, and construction) work to BAC Infratech, with senior officials of BAC actively participating in project-related events.

In another questionable develop-ment, the Additional Secretariat Project in Tura has also been indirectly awarded to BAC Infratech. Originally conceived at Rs 30 crore, the project scope was later upgraded with an enhanced budget of Rs 150 crore. This was first allot-ted to KPC Projects and subsequently subcontracted to BAC Infratech.

BAC Infratech’s dominance was earlier highlighted in PHE Depart-ment projects across multiple districts, including major water supply schemes such as the New Shillong Township Water Supply Scheme (escalated from Rs 538 crore to Rs 772 crore) and numerous augmentation and utility shifting works in Tura, Jowai, Nongpoh, Williamnagar, Ampati, Baghmara, and Sohra divisions.

With these latest developments in sports infrastructure and administrative buildings, the company’s involvement now spans multiple departments, signif-icantly expanding its order book in the state. Meghalaya reportedly constitutes around 94% of BAC Infratech’s current outstanding orders.

The growing concentration of high-value projects in the hands of the Hyderabad firm has triggered debate in Meghalaya. Local organisations includ-ing the Hynñiewtrep Achik National Movement (HANM) and Hynñiewtrep Youth Council (HYC) have questioned the limited participation of local con-tractors despite the scale of public spending. Critics allege that the firm’s close connections with top leadership of the MDA Government have made it a preferred choice for executing large infrastructure works.

While BAC Infratech maintains that it secures work through competi-tive processes and subcontracting, the rapid expansion — from water supply schemes to landmark projects like the Mawkhannu Stadium — has brought the company firmly into the spotlight.

Congress questions PHE contract awards to BAC

The state Congress on Tuesday slammed the NPP-led MDA govern-ment for its move to allocate projects worth over Rs 1,900 crore to BAC Infratech.

Terming this a classic case of crony capitalism, he said the company was formed in 2014 when the BJP came into power. “The invisible hands of the BJP are playing a massive role here, too,” he said, while accusing the state and central governments of ensuring crony capitalism in Meghalaya.

Explaining economic development models, he said that in a trickle-down economic development, work is pro-vided to large corporate houses, which ideally should ensure job creation in the villages.

According to Badwar, such a model leads to the concentration of wealth at the top level and income disparity among the villagers.

He said that the government should have chosen the middle path by divid-ing a project among smaller indigenous contractors, who know local conditions and are more likely to create jobs for the locals.

“I don’t see the government having any policy on how to bring economic development to the state,” he said.

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, May 19: Petrol and diesel prices went up by around 90 paise per litre on Tuesday, just four days after an earlier hike of Rs 3 per litre.

Shillong has not yet witnessed panic-buying at petrol pumps, although many consumers have started topping up their vehicle tanks fearing another hike in the coming days. Overall, most petrol pumps in the city reported normal customer flow on Tuesday.

Under the latest revision, petrol prices in Meghalaya have increased by 74 paise per litre, diesel by 79 paise per litre and speed petrol by 75 paise per litre. Petrol is now sold at Rs 99.63 per litre, diesel at Rs 90.94 per litre and speed petrol at Rs 107.22 per litre. Meghalaya charges 13.5% VAT on petrol and 5% on diesel.

Samborlang Diengdoh, proprietor of Samkhamti Petrol Pump at Urkaliar, said there has been no panic buying in the city so far.

“We need to understand that this is a global issue arising out of the US-Iran conflict in the Middle East, which has impacted the world economy,” Diengdoh said.

He stated that as long as the country is able to procure crude oil despite the increasing international rates, there should not be any major concern regarding fuel availability.

“Everything depends on the purchasing power of the nation. If it can continue purchasing crude oil despite the increase in rates, there will not be any problem regarding stock,” Diengdoh said.

He revealed that petroleum dealers have now been directed to make advance payments before lifting fuel stock.

“For every stock we are directed to lift, payment has to be made at least two days in advance. At the end, it depends on how individual dealers manage their funds and financial position. Some dealers may face difficulties if they are unable to adapt to the rotation of funds,” he added.

Stating that there is currently no restriction on fuel purchase, he said customers are free to buy fuel as per their requirement. He appealed to the public to use fuel judiciously and consider alternative modes of transport.

Jagdish Singh, manager of Peak Service Station at Dhankheti, said the increase in fuel prices in Meghalaya is comparatively lower than in several other parts of the country.

“This is a global crisis and not the fault of the Government of India. The increase in petrol prices in Meghalaya is minimal compared to other states,” Singh said.

According to him, customers are increasingly opting to refill their tanks due to fears of another hike in the coming days. He also said that the rise in fuel prices has not translated into additional earnings for petrol pump owners. “There is no change in our revenue because the commission we receive remains the same despite the increase in fuel prices. We are dealers of the Indian Oil Corporation,” he said.

(PTI) Women take part in a protest march demanding the safe release of six missing Naga civilians, allegedly abducted by suspected armed militants following an ambush in Kangpokpi district on May 13, at Kanglatongbi village, in Imphal West district of Manipur on Tuesday. Related report on P-4

By KC Monappa

By KC Monappa

Shillong woke up on May 15 to a number that had been unwelcome all the same. Petrol in the city now costs Rs 98.86 per litre, up from Rs 96.30. Diesel has climbed to Rs 90.12 from Rs 87.50. The revision of Rs 3 per litre, announced by oil marketing companies and effective from Friday night, is the first of this scale in over four years. Car owners and transporters across the state have already said what most residents instinctively know: the effect of this hike will not stay at the petrol pump. It will travel through every supply chain that feeds Meghalaya, and it will arrive, as it always does, at the market and at the kitchen table.

The concern being voiced across Shillong is not simply about the cost of filling a tank. It is about what hap-pens next. Almost every es-sential commodity consumed in Meghalaya, from rice and fish to eggs, cooking oil, and medicine, is transported into the state from outside. There is no operational rail link. There is no pipeline. There is no alternative to the diesel truck climbing the road from Assam. When the cost of that truck journey rises, the cost of everything it carries rises with it. This is the structural reality behind the worry that residents and transporters are express-ing across the state, and it is a reality that a Rs 3 hike makes considerably more urgent. Car owners and transport operators have said openly that the hike will have a cascading effect on the economy and is likely to lead to broader price inflation across commodity categories.

To understand why the hike happened now, one has to look at what has been unfolding in global oil markets since February 2026. The escalation of hostilities involving Iran effectively closed the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow maritime passage through which nearly 20 percent of the world’s daily oil supply moves. For India, which sources close to half its crude through this corridor, the blockade was an immediate supply problem. International crude prices surged from a pre-conflict average of around $69 per barrel to a peak of $144. India moved quickly to import record volumes of discounted Russian crude, reaching 2.3 million barrels per day by early May, but even that buf-fer could not prevent state-run oil marketing companies from absorbing losses estimated at between Rs 1,000 crore and Rs 2,400 crore every day by keep-ing retail prices frozen.

The revision, seen in that light, was inevitable. What drew sharper comment was its timing. The price freeze was maintained for 76 consecutive days. This period coincided precisely with assembly elec-tions in Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal. The hike was announced sixteen days after polling concluded in those states. The two facts sit together without requiring much interpretation. The effect of holding prices through an election period and releasing them afterward is that what might have been a gradual ad-justment over weeks becomes a single concentrated blow to household budgets. For a state like Meghalaya, where supply chains are long, terrain is diffi-cult, and there is no competing mode of freight transport to ab-sorb any part of the shock, that concentrated blow lands harder than it does elsewhere.

National analysts have es-timated that a Rs 3 hike adds roughly 3 percent to freight costs on flat road routes. In Meghalaya, where loaded trucks climb steep gradients on winding roads and consume substantially more diesel per kilometre than they would on the plains, the inflationary pressure on essential goods is expected to be consider-ably higher. Perishable items, which also require refriger-ated transport, are particularly exposed. The increased cost of cold-chain logistics and long-haul freight together are likely to push retail prices of vegetables, fruits, and milk up-ward at a rate that will outpace the national average. This is not speculation. It is the arith-metic of road-only logistics in a hilly state, applied to a fuel price increase.

For the daily commuter in Shillong, Tura, or Nongstoin, there is an additional and more immediate problem. Trans-port unions have consistently sought fare revisions when fuel prices rise, and there is no reason to expect anything dif-ferent this time. In the period before the state government issues revised fare charts, which can take several weeks, passengers using shared taxis and auto-rickshaws face the practical reality of arbitrary overcharging. Students, daily wage workers, and others who depend on shared transport and have no ability to absorb higher costs will feel this most directly. For a city like Shillong, where a significant share of daily trips are made in shared vehicles and where many residents do not own private cars, the interim pe-riod between a fuel hike and a formal fare revision is always one of confusion and friction at the roadside.

The state’s fiscal position in relation to this hike is not straightforward. Meghalaya’s 2026-27 budget projects rev-enue of Rs 1,290 crore from Sales Tax and VAT. Because the state levies VAT on the dealer’s commission on fuel, higher prices technically in-crease state tax collection. But Meghalaya remains dependent on central transfers for close to 80 percent of its total revenue. If oil prices remain elevated and the West Asia situation does not resolve quickly, the state government will face a genuine dilemma. Reducing its own VAT to provide relief to consumers and transporters would shrink the develop-ment budget. Maintaining the current rate while household incomes are eroded by infla-tion risks a contraction in lo-cal economic activity that the revenue gain from VAT does not compensate for.

There is a structural dimen-sion to this vulnerability that deserves direct acknowledge-ment. In April 2026, the state government returned Rs 200 crore to the Railway Ministry for the long-stalled Tetelia-Byrnihat rail project. The con-cerns that have kept this project frozen for nearly two decades are genuine. Residents have consistently raised worries about uncontrolled demo-graphic change through a rail corridor, and the absence of an Inner Line Permit framework for railway travel has re-mained an unresolved issue. These are legitimate political concerns. But returning those funds without an alternative plan has a practical consequence: it reaffirms that Meghalaya will remain entirely road-dependent for all its essential commodity supply chains for the fore-see-able future, and will therefore remain fully exposed to every future fuel price increase.

The way forward on the railway question does not require abandoning local concerns. Mizoram extended its railway to Sairang while maintaining ILP controls by implementing verification at the station level. Meghalaya could negotiate a revival of the Tetelia-Byrnihat link as a dedi-cated freight corridor under a similar arrangement, where the line is used exclusively for bulk commodity movement and no through-passenger service operates. This is a practical compromise that ad-dresses both the demographic gap and the demographic con-cerns, and it is one the state government should consider seriously rather than treating the railway question as perma-nently closed.

On taxation, the state can act without waiting for any central decision. Meghalaya currently levies an ad valorem VAT on fuel, meaning the state’s tax revenue grows au-tomatically as the base price rises. During a period of global supply disruption, this creates a situation where the state benefits fiscally from an emergency that is squeezing its residents. Shifting to a fixed, specific rate per litre during de-clared periods of international supply crisis would cap the state’s automatic revenue gain and provide immediate relief to transporters. The reduction in revenue would be modest; the relief to supply chain costs would be tangible.

A more targeted interven-tion would be a fuel tax re-bate for commercial trucks registered in Meghalaya that carry documented essential commodities, specifically food grains, LPG, and medicine. A quarterly rebate tied to veri-fied delivery records, admin-istered through the transport department’s existing vehicle registration database, would reduce inflation at the source rather than trying to manage it at the retail end. This is admin-istratively feasible and would channel relief to the operators who are directly responsible for keeping the state’s markets supplied.

On public transport, the state should apply urgently for electric buses under the central government’s PM e-Bus Sewa scheme, which has allocated electric buses to state transport corporations across the coun-try. Expanding the Meghalaya Transport Corporation’s fleet on inter-district routes with electric buses would eliminate diesel dependence for public mobility on those routes and protect affordable transport from future fuel price volatil-ity. The recent scaling back of some MTC school services is a step in the wrong direction at precisely the moment when reliable, affordable public transport is most needed.

At the agricultural level, the current price environment should push the state’s Mission 10 initiative to focus specifical-ly on paddy and pulse produc-tion in districts like Ri-Bhoi and East Khasi Hills, where the land and rainfall conditions support it. Meghalaya imports a substantial share of its staple grain from Assam and West Bengal. Every sack of rice that makes journey is now more expensive to transport. Encouraging and supporting local grain production for local consumption, through input subsidies and guaranteed procurement at the block level, reduces the state’s dependence on the Guwahati-Shillong supply corridor and provides a practical hedge against trans-port cost increases.

The Rs 3 hike of May 2026 is, by most accounts, not the final word. Analysts suggest that fully restoring oil market-ing company profitability may require further increases in the range of Rs 15 to Rs 20 per litre over the coming year. For Me-ghalaya, a state where almost every essential good travels by road from another state and where the average household has no buffer against transport-driven inflation, that trajectory is a serious concern. The state government’s 2026-27 budget spoke of financial freedom. For that phrase to mean some-thing concrete to the people of Meghalaya, financial freedom has to include a transport and food system that does not be-come more expensive every time there is a disruption in the Persian Gulf. The tools to begin building that system, from railway negotiations to VAT reform to targeted freight relief to electric public trans-port, are available right now. The question the current crisis puts to the state government is whether it will use them before the next hike arrives.