Linesman saves colleague from electrocution in West Garo Hills

From Our Correspondent

TURA, May 19: A lineman displayed exceptional brav-ery on Tuesday afternoon when he rescued his col-league from electrocution in Barengapara village under Dalu Police Station, West Garo Hills.

The two employees of SAI Computers, who were repairing an LT line at Baren-gapara Bazar, received se-vere electric shocks due to a reverse current surge from a nearby inverter/generator. The surge happened because of the absence of a change-over switch.

One lineman was left dan-gling precariously after being electrocuted. Despite the danger, his colleague stayed atop the pole and skillfully untangled him from the maze of wires. The rescued worker then slid down the pole to safety.

Both were rushed to Dalu CHC for treatment and were later discharged.

The heroic rescue, cap-tured on video, has gone viral on social media.

Untitled News

(PTI) Women take part in a protest march demanding the safe release of six missing Naga civilians, allegedly abducted by suspected armed militants following an ambush in Kangpokpi district on May 13, at Kanglatongbi village, in Imphal West district of Manipur on Tuesday. Related report on P-4

NEHU clears air on fourth year of FYUP under NEP 2020

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, May 19: With a wave of anxiety building among students, teachers, and academic stakeholders as North-Eastern Hill University (NEHU) prepares to roll out the fourth year of its Four-Year Undergraduate Programme (FYUP) under the National Education Policy 2020, the university has stepped forward to provide clarity.

On Tuesday, Prof. Ghanashyam Bez, Coordinator of the NEP Cell at NEHU, assured that the institution is taking concrete steps to ensure a smooth transition for the first batch of students entering the fourth year.

Speaking to The Shillong Times on Tuesday, Prof. Bez confirmed that the university had laid the groundwork long ago by notifying the academic framework and curriculum structure for the FYUP through Ordinance OC-8 and Regulation RC-12 on September 14, 2023. However, he acknowledged that the detailed syllabi for the fourth year are still awaiting final approval from the Academic Council.

While syllabi for six schools were cleared in the last Academic Council meeting held in July 2025, those pertaining to the School Board of Economics, Management and Information Sciences and the School Board of Education are still pending. Prof. Bez expressed confidence that all syllabi would be notified within May.

NEHU has been proactive in addressing doubts. Consultations were held with principals of affiliated colleges (Contd on P-7)

OM SHANTI

M/s Swapan Bhandar, M/s Joysree

With deep sorrow and gratitude for a life well lived, we announce the passing of our beloved patriarch, Shri Satish Chandra Paul, on 18 May 2026, at the age of 95. Born on 1 January 1931, he lived a life marked by strength, wisdom, hard work, and love for his family and community. He will be deeply missed and forever remembered in our hearts.

Remembered lovingly by his wife Lalita Bala Paul; his children Subhash Ch Paul, Swapan Paul, Tapan Paul, Rajasree Paul, and Joyshree Ghosh, and the rest of his family.

Mr. Rockliff Langstieh, Ret. Director of Agriculture. Lovingly known as “Bah Rock,”

With deep sorrow and heavy hearts, we announce the passing of Mr. Rockliff Langstieh, Ret. Director of Agriculture. Lovingly known as “Bah Rock,” he passed away on the morning of 19th May, ’26. A man of unwavering strength, wisdom and compassion, a guiding father, and a steadfast presence in the lives of all who knew him.

Bah Rock is survived by his wife Mrs. Fancy Khonglah Manners and their five children — Jason, Melvin, Kimberly, Hazel and Rafael, daughter-in-law, Cyndi and son-in-law, Clifford, and his siblings Christelicia, Donald, Marnold, Marbelicia, Appeliisha, Erinette and Carinette who will carry forward his legacy of courage and hard work. Deeply missed, his memory will remain alive in the hearts of those he guided, protected, and inspired.

The funeral service will be held on 21st May 2026, 2:00pm at the residence in Nongrah, Nongpdeng and he will be laid to rest at the Church of God Cemetery Lummarboh, Nongrah.

May his soul rest in eternal peace.

Untitled News

With deep sorrow and heavy hearts, we announce the passing of Mr. Rockliff Langstieh, Ret. Director of Agriculture. Lovingly known as “Bah Rock,” he passed away on the morning of 19th May, ‘26. A man of unwavering strength, wisdom and compassion, a guiding father, and a steadfast presence in the lives of all who knew him.

Bah Rock is survived by his wife Mrs. Fancy Khonglah Manners and their five children — Jason, Melvin, Kimberly, Hazel and Rafael, daughter-in-law, Cyndi and son-in-law, Clifford, and his siblings Christelicia, Donald, Marnold, Marbelicia, Appelisha, Erinette and Carinette who will carry forward his legacy of courage and hard work. Deeply missed, his memory will remain alive in the hearts of those he guided, protected, and inspired.

The funeral service will be held on 21st May 2026, 2:00pm at the residence in Nongrah, Nongpdeng and he will be laid to rest at the Church of God Cemetery Lummarboh, Nongrah.

May his soul rest in eternal peace.

Fueling inflation

WITH two fuel price hikes in less than a week, ending a near four-year-price freeze, the impact of the Iran war is being increasingly felt here. With these hikes, oil marketing companies hope to offset part of their huge losses over the past two months. Crude prices rose steadily since February 28 – the start of the war – but retail fuel rates remained frozen at a two-year-old level due to governmental insistence in favour of consumers. Before the 2024 parliament polls, fuel prices had been reduced by Rs 2. Before the recent assembly polls, excise duty on fuels saw a slight reduction. Both actions had political motives. Through all this, however, consumers – particularly motorists – had heaved a sigh of relief. Inflationary trends were under control. Now they’re in for a shock. Fears are that the trend of price increases will continue through repeated and swift jolts.

Notably, Prime Minister Narendra Modi conditioned public minds a week ago through a statement calling for reduced travel, promoting a work-from-home culture, etc. He knew what was building up. This is a unique situation caused by an external tumult and every nation, including the US, is facing the brunt of the war in multiple ways. The aviation sector itself faced some odds. Yet, a rise in fuel prices affects people in many different ways. Indians increasingly own vehicles for daily travel. Paying a bit more for fuel hurts them every time they reach a fuel dispensing station. Worse, an increase in fuel prices is bound to raise the costs of every commodity as transportation costs spike. Essential items for daily use would see a price hike. Cumulatively, this will add to the burden of the common man. This could cause social unrest.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, through his 12 years at the helm, was singularly lucky to have seen the crude prices falling and remaining somewhat steady. After he took charge, crude prices suddenly fell from over $100 to around $60. This scenario continued for years and prices were around $70 when the Iran war started. Thereafter it reversed to more than the 2014 level. In fact, there should have been sharp reductions in fuel prices during the three Modi terms. But the government opted to retain the price levels, apparently to earn more and add weight to the exchequer. The oil firms also benefited greatly; the people did not, though. Now, it would be advisable for the government to intervene and keep the prices steady. The blockade on the Strait of Hormuz is not going to last for long. This is a brief phase, during which time the government is duty-bound to help the people by ploughing back the huge income it earned from this sector over the last 10 years. Oil marketing companies claim to incur a daily loss of Rs 750 crore, which is high. But it is also important for the government to avert a situation where raising transportation costs leads to price increases, and in turn inflation which would hurt the common man the most.

The Rs 3 Per Litre Petrol Hike and What It Means for Meghalaya

By KC Monappa

By KC Monappa

Shillong woke up on May 15 to a number that had been unwelcome all the same. Petrol in the city now costs Rs 98.86 per litre, up from Rs 96.30. Diesel has climbed to Rs 90.12 from Rs 87.50. The revision of Rs 3 per litre, announced by oil marketing companies and effective from Friday night, is the first of this scale in over four years. Car owners and transporters across the state have already said what most residents instinctively know: the effect of this hike will not stay at the petrol pump. It will travel through every supply chain that feeds Meghalaya, and it will arrive, as it always does, at the market and at the kitchen table.

The concern being voiced across Shillong is not simply about the cost of filling a tank. It is about what hap-pens next. Almost every es-sential commodity consumed in Meghalaya, from rice and fish to eggs, cooking oil, and medicine, is transported into the state from outside. There is no operational rail link. There is no pipeline. There is no alternative to the diesel truck climbing the road from Assam. When the cost of that truck journey rises, the cost of everything it carries rises with it. This is the structural reality behind the worry that residents and transporters are express-ing across the state, and it is a reality that a Rs 3 hike makes considerably more urgent. Car owners and transport operators have said openly that the hike will have a cascading effect on the economy and is likely to lead to broader price inflation across commodity categories.

To understand why the hike happened now, one has to look at what has been unfolding in global oil markets since February 2026. The escalation of hostilities involving Iran effectively closed the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow maritime passage through which nearly 20 percent of the world’s daily oil supply moves. For India, which sources close to half its crude through this corridor, the blockade was an immediate supply problem. International crude prices surged from a pre-conflict average of around $69 per barrel to a peak of $144. India moved quickly to import record volumes of discounted Russian crude, reaching 2.3 million barrels per day by early May, but even that buf-fer could not prevent state-run oil marketing companies from absorbing losses estimated at between Rs 1,000 crore and Rs 2,400 crore every day by keep-ing retail prices frozen.

The revision, seen in that light, was inevitable. What drew sharper comment was its timing. The price freeze was maintained for 76 consecutive days. This period coincided precisely with assembly elec-tions in Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal. The hike was announced sixteen days after polling concluded in those states. The two facts sit together without requiring much interpretation. The effect of holding prices through an election period and releasing them afterward is that what might have been a gradual ad-justment over weeks becomes a single concentrated blow to household budgets. For a state like Meghalaya, where supply chains are long, terrain is diffi-cult, and there is no competing mode of freight transport to ab-sorb any part of the shock, that concentrated blow lands harder than it does elsewhere.

National analysts have es-timated that a Rs 3 hike adds roughly 3 percent to freight costs on flat road routes. In Meghalaya, where loaded trucks climb steep gradients on winding roads and consume substantially more diesel per kilometre than they would on the plains, the inflationary pressure on essential goods is expected to be consider-ably higher. Perishable items, which also require refriger-ated transport, are particularly exposed. The increased cost of cold-chain logistics and long-haul freight together are likely to push retail prices of vegetables, fruits, and milk up-ward at a rate that will outpace the national average. This is not speculation. It is the arith-metic of road-only logistics in a hilly state, applied to a fuel price increase.

For the daily commuter in Shillong, Tura, or Nongstoin, there is an additional and more immediate problem. Trans-port unions have consistently sought fare revisions when fuel prices rise, and there is no reason to expect anything dif-ferent this time. In the period before the state government issues revised fare charts, which can take several weeks, passengers using shared taxis and auto-rickshaws face the practical reality of arbitrary overcharging. Students, daily wage workers, and others who depend on shared transport and have no ability to absorb higher costs will feel this most directly. For a city like Shillong, where a significant share of daily trips are made in shared vehicles and where many residents do not own private cars, the interim pe-riod between a fuel hike and a formal fare revision is always one of confusion and friction at the roadside.

The state’s fiscal position in relation to this hike is not straightforward. Meghalaya’s 2026-27 budget projects rev-enue of Rs 1,290 crore from Sales Tax and VAT. Because the state levies VAT on the dealer’s commission on fuel, higher prices technically in-crease state tax collection. But Meghalaya remains dependent on central transfers for close to 80 percent of its total revenue. If oil prices remain elevated and the West Asia situation does not resolve quickly, the state government will face a genuine dilemma. Reducing its own VAT to provide relief to consumers and transporters would shrink the develop-ment budget. Maintaining the current rate while household incomes are eroded by infla-tion risks a contraction in lo-cal economic activity that the revenue gain from VAT does not compensate for.

There is a structural dimen-sion to this vulnerability that deserves direct acknowledge-ment. In April 2026, the state government returned Rs 200 crore to the Railway Ministry for the long-stalled Tetelia-Byrnihat rail project. The con-cerns that have kept this project frozen for nearly two decades are genuine. Residents have consistently raised worries about uncontrolled demo-graphic change through a rail corridor, and the absence of an Inner Line Permit framework for railway travel has re-mained an unresolved issue. These are legitimate political concerns. But returning those funds without an alternative plan has a practical consequence: it reaffirms that Meghalaya will remain entirely road-dependent for all its essential commodity supply chains for the fore-see-able future, and will therefore remain fully exposed to every future fuel price increase.

The way forward on the railway question does not require abandoning local concerns. Mizoram extended its railway to Sairang while maintaining ILP controls by implementing verification at the station level. Meghalaya could negotiate a revival of the Tetelia-Byrnihat link as a dedi-cated freight corridor under a similar arrangement, where the line is used exclusively for bulk commodity movement and no through-passenger service operates. This is a practical compromise that ad-dresses both the demographic gap and the demographic con-cerns, and it is one the state government should consider seriously rather than treating the railway question as perma-nently closed.

On taxation, the state can act without waiting for any central decision. Meghalaya currently levies an ad valorem VAT on fuel, meaning the state’s tax revenue grows au-tomatically as the base price rises. During a period of global supply disruption, this creates a situation where the state benefits fiscally from an emergency that is squeezing its residents. Shifting to a fixed, specific rate per litre during de-clared periods of international supply crisis would cap the state’s automatic revenue gain and provide immediate relief to transporters. The reduction in revenue would be modest; the relief to supply chain costs would be tangible.

A more targeted interven-tion would be a fuel tax re-bate for commercial trucks registered in Meghalaya that carry documented essential commodities, specifically food grains, LPG, and medicine. A quarterly rebate tied to veri-fied delivery records, admin-istered through the transport department’s existing vehicle registration database, would reduce inflation at the source rather than trying to manage it at the retail end. This is admin-istratively feasible and would channel relief to the operators who are directly responsible for keeping the state’s markets supplied.

On public transport, the state should apply urgently for electric buses under the central government’s PM e-Bus Sewa scheme, which has allocated electric buses to state transport corporations across the coun-try. Expanding the Meghalaya Transport Corporation’s fleet on inter-district routes with electric buses would eliminate diesel dependence for public mobility on those routes and protect affordable transport from future fuel price volatil-ity. The recent scaling back of some MTC school services is a step in the wrong direction at precisely the moment when reliable, affordable public transport is most needed.

At the agricultural level, the current price environment should push the state’s Mission 10 initiative to focus specifical-ly on paddy and pulse produc-tion in districts like Ri-Bhoi and East Khasi Hills, where the land and rainfall conditions support it. Meghalaya imports a substantial share of its staple grain from Assam and West Bengal. Every sack of rice that makes journey is now more expensive to transport. Encouraging and supporting local grain production for local consumption, through input subsidies and guaranteed procurement at the block level, reduces the state’s dependence on the Guwahati-Shillong supply corridor and provides a practical hedge against trans-port cost increases.

The Rs 3 hike of May 2026 is, by most accounts, not the final word. Analysts suggest that fully restoring oil market-ing company profitability may require further increases in the range of Rs 15 to Rs 20 per litre over the coming year. For Me-ghalaya, a state where almost every essential good travels by road from another state and where the average household has no buffer against transport-driven inflation, that trajectory is a serious concern. The state government’s 2026-27 budget spoke of financial freedom. For that phrase to mean some-thing concrete to the people of Meghalaya, financial freedom has to include a transport and food system that does not be-come more expensive every time there is a disruption in the Persian Gulf. The tools to begin building that system, from railway negotiations to VAT reform to targeted freight relief to electric public trans-port, are available right now. The question the current crisis puts to the state government is whether it will use them before the next hike arrives.

The Rs 3 Per Litre Petrol Hike and What It Means for Meghalaya

By KC Monappa

Shillong woke up on May 15 to a number that had been unwelcome all the same. Petrol in the city now costs Rs 98.86 per litre, up from Rs 96.30. Diesel has climbed to Rs 90.12 from Rs 87.50. The revision of Rs 3 per litre, announced by oil marketing companies and effective from Friday night, is the first of this scale in over four years. Car owners and transporters across the state have already said what most residents instinctively know: the effect of this hike will not stay at the petrol pump. It will travel through every supply chain that feeds Meghalaya, and it will arrive, as it always does, at the market and at the kitchen table.

The concern being voiced across Shillong is not simply about the cost of filling a tank. It is about what hap-pens next. Almost every es-sential commodity consumed in Meghalaya, from rice and fish to eggs, cooking oil, and medicine, is transported into the state from outside. There is no operational rail link. There is no pipeline. There is no alternative to the diesel truck climbing the road from Assam. When the cost of that truck journey rises, the cost of everything it carries rises with it. This is the structural reality behind the worry that residents and transporters are express-ing across the state, and it is a reality that a Rs 3 hike makes considerably more urgent. Car owners and transport operators have said openly that the hike will have a cascading effect on the economy and is likely to lead to broader price inflation across commodity categories.

To understand why the hike happened now, one has to look at what has been unfolding in global oil markets since February 2026. The escalation of hostilities involving Iran effectively closed the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow maritime passage through which nearly 20 percent of the world’s daily oil supply moves. For India, which sources close to half its crude through this corridor, the blockade was an immediate supply problem. International crude prices surged from a pre-conflict average of around $69 per barrel to a peak of $144. India moved quickly to import record volumes of discounted Russian crude, reaching 2.3 million barrels per day by early May, but even that buf-fer could not prevent state-run oil marketing companies from absorbing losses estimated at between Rs 1,000 crore and Rs 2,400 crore every day by keep-ing retail prices frozen.

The revision, seen in that light, was inevitable. What drew sharper comment was its timing. The price freeze was maintained for 76 consecutive days. This period coincided precisely with assembly elec-tions in Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal. The hike was announced sixteen days after polling concluded in those states. The two facts sit together without requiring much interpretation. The effect of holding prices through an election period and releasing them afterward is that what might have been a gradual ad-justment over weeks becomes a single concentrated blow to household budgets. For a state like Meghalaya, where supply chains are long, terrain is diffi-cult, and there is no competing mode of freight transport to ab-sorb any part of the shock, that concentrated blow lands harder than it does elsewhere.

National analysts have es-timated that a Rs 3 hike adds roughly 3 percent to freight costs on flat road routes. In Meghalaya, where loaded trucks climb steep gradients on winding roads and consume substantially more diesel per kilometre than they would on the plains, the inflationary pressure on essential goods is expected to be consider-ably higher. Perishable items, which also require refriger-ated transport, are particularly exposed. The increased cost of cold-chain logistics and long-haul freight together are likely to push retail prices of vegetables, fruits, and milk up-ward at a rate that will outpace the national average. This is not speculation. It is the arith-metic of road-only logistics in a hilly state, applied to a fuel price increase.

For the daily commuter in Shillong, Tura, or Nongstoin, there is an additional and more immediate problem. Trans-port unions have consistently sought fare revisions when fuel prices rise, and there is no reason to expect anything dif-ferent this time. In the period before the state government issues revised fare charts, which can be several weeks, passengers using shared taxis and auto-rickshaws face the practical reality of arbitrary overcharging. Students, daily wage workers, and others who depend on shared transport and have no ability to absorb higher costs will feel this most directly. For a city like Shillong, where a significant share of daily trips are made in shared vehicles and where many residents do not own private cars, the interim pe-riod between a fuel hike and a formal fare revision is always one of confusion and friction at the roadside.

The state’s fiscal position in relation to this hike is not straightforward. Meghalaya’s 2026-27 budget projects rev-enue of Rs 1,290 crore from Sales Tax and VAT. Because the state levies VAT on the dealer’s commission on fuel, higher prices technically in-crease state tax collection. But Meghalaya remains dependent on central transfers for close to 80 percent of its total revenue. If oil prices remain elevated and the West Asia situation does not resolve quickly, the state government will face a genuine dilemma. Reducing its own VAT to provide relief to consumers and transporters would shrink the develop-ment budget. Maintaining the current rate while household incomes are eroded by infla-tion risks a contraction in lo-cal economic activity that the revenue gain from VAT does not compensate for.

There is a structural dimen-sion to this vulnerability that deserves direct acknowledge-ment. In April 2026, the state government returned Rs 200 crore to the Railway Ministry for the long-stalled Tetelia-Byrnihat rail project. The con-cerns that have kept this project frozen for nearly two decades are genuine. Residents have consistently raised worries about uncontrolled demo-graphic change through a rail corridor, and the absence of an Inner Line Permit framework for railway travel has re-mained an unresolved issue. These are legitimate political concerns. But returning those funds without an alternative plan has a practical consequence: it reaffirms that Meghalaya will remain entirely road-dependent for all its essential commodity supply chains for the foresee-able future, and will therefore remain fully exposed to every future fuel price increase.

The way forward on the railway question does not require abandoning local concerns. Mizoram extended its railway to Sairang while maintaining ILP controls by implementing verification at the station level. Meghalaya could negotiate a revival of the Tetelia-Byrnihat link as a dedi-cated freight corridor under a similar arrangement, where the line is used exclusively for bulk commodity movement and no through-passenger service operates. This is a practical compromise that ad-dresses both the demographic gap and the demographic con-cerns, and it is one the state government should consider seriously rather than treating the railway question as perma-nently closed.

On taxation, the state can act without waiting for any central decision. Meghalaya currently levies an ad valorem VAT on fuel, meaning the state’s tax revenue grows au-tomatically as the base price rises. During a period of global supply disruption, this a situation where the state benefits fiscally from an emergency that is squeezing its residents. Shifting to a fixed, specific rate per litre during de-clared periods of international supply crisis would cap the state’s automatic revenue gain and provide immediate relief to transporters. The reduction in revenue would be modest; the relief to supply chain costs would be tangible.

A more targeted interven-tion would be a fuel tax re-bate for commercial trucks registered in Meghalaya that carry documented essential commodities, specifically food grains, LPG, and medicine. A quarterly rebate tied to veri-fied delivery records, admin-istered through the transport department’s existing vehicle registration database, would reduce inflation at the source rather than trying to manage it at the retail end. This is admin-istratively feasible and would channel relief to the operators who are directly responsible for keeping the state’s markets supplied.

On public transport, the state should apply urgently for electric buses under the central government’s PM e-Bus Sewa scheme, which has allocated electric buses to state transport corporations across the coun-try. Expanding the Meghalaya Transport Corporation’s fleet on inter-district routes with electric buses would eliminate diesel dependence for public mobility on those routes and protect affordable transport from future fuel price volatil-ity. The recent scaling back of some MTC school services is a step in the wrong direction at precisely the moment when reliable, affordable public transport is most needed.

At the agricultural level, the current price environment should push the state’s Mission 10 initiative to focus specifical-ly on paddy and pulse produc-tion in districts like Ri-Bhoi and East Khasi Hills, where the land and rainfall conditions support it. Meghalaya imports a substantial share of its staple grain from Assam and West Bengal. Every sack of rice that makes journey is now more expensive to transport. Encouraging and supporting local grain production for local consumption, through input subsidies and guaranteed procurement at the block level, reduces the state’s dependence on the Guwahati-Shillong supply corridor and provides a practical hedge against trans-port cost increases.

The Rs 3 hike of May 2026 is, by most accounts, not the final word. Analysts suggest that fully restoring oil market-ing company profitability may require further increases in the range of Rs 15 to Rs 20 per litre over the coming year. For Me-ghalaya, a state where almost every essential good travels by road from another state and where the average household has no buffer against transport-driven inflation, that trajectory is a serious concern. The state government’s 2026-27 budget spoke of financial freedom. For that phrase to mean some-thing concrete to the people of Meghalaya, financial freedom has to include a transport and food system that does not be-come more expensive every time there is a disruption in the Persian Gulf. The tools to begin building that system, from railway negotiations to VAT reform to targeted freight relief to electric public trans-port, are available right now. The question the current crisis puts to the state government is whether it will use them before the next hike arrives.

Bob’s Banter

By Robert Clements

You can request for Bob’s Banter by Robert Clements as a daily column on your whatsapp by sending your name and phone number to [email protected]

Questions Nobody Wants..!

There was a time when leaders loved press conferences. They stood proudly behind microphones, smiled confidently at reporters and answered questions with the enthusiasm of a student who had actually studied for the exam.

Today, press conferences have become like surprise dental appointments. Nobody wants to attend them. Which brings me to our Prime Minister’s latest foreign tour where, once again, journalists gathered hopefully, cameras rolled expectantly, questions were polished carefully, and then suddenly, like a schoolboy hearing the final bell, the Prime Minister disappeared without taking a single question.

Bold Norwegian journalist Helle Lyng shouted after him asking why he would not take questions from “the freest press in the world.” But by then our PM had moved away with the speed of a man who had suddenly remembered he had left the gas on at home.

Now mind you, there is an art to avoiding questions. Some politicians become angry. Some joke. Some pretend they did not hear. Some suddenly discover an urgent international crisis near the exit door. But our government has perfected something extraordinary. They answer questions without answering them.

And this is where diplomat Sibi George entered magnificently. The Norwegian journalist asked a direct question about human rights and press freedom. A dangerous thing to do nowadays. Direct questions are terribly inconvenient because they demand direct answers.

Instead of replying, Sibi took the audience on what appeared to be a conducted tour of Indian civilisation.

Within minutes we travelled through five thousand years of history, invented zero, played chess, stretched ourselves into yoga postures, distributed Covid vaccines, admired the Constitution, celebrated diversity, and possibly stopped briefly for chai and samosas.

By the end of the answer, I suspect even the journalist had forgotten the original question.

It reminded me of my school days when teachers asked difficult questions.

“Bob, where is your homework?” “Madam, homework is very important in shaping civilisation. In ancient India, great gurus taught discipline under banyan trees. Speaking of trees, oxygen is very important for humanity.”Unfortunately my teachers lacked diplomatic training and still punished me. Now as a public speaker, I actually love questions. Yes, I do. Nothing excites me more than somebody standing up at the back of the hall with folded arms, a dangerous smile and a question beginning with, “But sir, don’t you think…?”

That is where your real speaking begins.

I have discovered something fascinating about questions. A tricky question forces you to become specific. You cannot wander around like a tourist in Connaught Place looking for a shop that no longer exists. You have to answer clearly, calmly and quickly. And if the questioner is aggressive, your job is not to become aggressive back. Your job is to calm the volatile speaker. Lower the temperature. Smile. Finish quickly. And if you handle it well, the audience quietly awards you brownie points.

People walk away saying, “Ah, that was clever. He handled that beautifully.”

In fact, sometimes the question session is more important than the speech itself.

Anybody can read from a teleprompter. But can you think on your feet when somebody throws a verbal coconut at your head?

That is leadership.

Which is why all this fear of questions surprises me.

Why are leaders so terrified of journalists?

A journalist merely asks questions ordinary people are already asking at home. If leaders cannot answer reporters abroad, how will they answer history later?

Once upon a time, press conferences were signs of confidence. Leaders sparred with journalists. They defended policies. They argued passionately. Sometimes they even lost their temper magnificently. But at least there was engagement.

Now everything is stage managed. Friendly interviewers. Prepared questions. Teleprompters standing faithfully nearby like obedient Labradors. And when something unexpected happens, everybody looks panicked, as though democracy itself has malfunctioned.

Even our diplomats nowadays seem trained not to communicate but to exhaust the listener.

By the time Mr George finished speaking about civilisation, diversity and yoga, I imagine the Norwegian journalist felt she had accidentally enrolled for a postgraduate course in Indian cultural studies.

And then came my favourite line. Critics, he said, read reports from “godforsaken, ignorant NGOs.” Wonderful. Nothing impresses foreign audiences more than calling people ignorant while refusing to answer their questions.

That always works beautifully. The tragedy is that India does not need such defensive gymnastics. We are a great nation. A noisy nation. A chaotic nation. An argumentative nation.

In our country even vegetable vendors debate politics with the confidence of constitutional lawyers. Taxi drivers discuss geopolitics. Tea stall owners analyse economic policy. Entire families fight over television debates during dinner.

This noise is not weakness. It is democracy breathing loudly.

But when leaders stop taking questions, something changes. Citizens speak but power no longer listens. And abroad it creates a terrible impression. Not because foreign journalists are always right. They are often biased, arrogant and selective themselves. But when we refuse questions altogether, we appear frightened. And a frightened government never looks strong.

Strong leaders answer. Weak leaders escape. Perhaps one day we will again see real press conferences. Uncomfortable ones. Chaotic ones. Honest ones. And honestly, how magnificent it would have looked if Narendra Modi had simply stopped, smiled and answered the Norwegian journalist the same way he convinces voters in India.

Whether one agrees with him or not, nobody can deny that the man is a powerful communicator before crowds. One clear answer. One confident exchange. One moment of openness. The whole world would probably have applauded.

Instead, we got yoga, chess, zero and civilisation from dear Sibi. Maybe what will finally convince our leaders to take questions is if India invents a teleprompter that actually thinks and flashes the answers to questions on screen..!