Category Archives: Uncategorized

By JIM DAVIS

WHEN I WAS A KID ON THE FARM, I GOT A NICKEL A WEEK

I’D SLOP THE HOGS, MILK THE COWS, SHOVEL THE BARN…

GROOM THE GOATS…

I’LL GIVE YOU A DIME TO STOP TALKING

===AUTHOR'S NAME AND AFFILIATION===

WORLD WAR I HERO DOG RAGS FROM THE U.S. 1ST INFANTRY DIVISION, WAS BURIED WITH MILITARY HONORS.

A 126-GON IS KNOWN AS A RHOMBICUBOCTAHEDRON.

SOMEONE WITH GEOMELOPHAGIA HAS THE URGE TO EAT RAW POTATOES.

© 2023 UFS Dist. By Andrews McMeel for UFS.

TOO MANY DIVORCES ARE ANTI-TRUST SUITS

11/27

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, May 24: The North-East-ern Hill University (NEHU) Academic Council (AC) will address confusion surrounding the Four-Year Undergradu-ate Programme (FYUP) and seek clari-fication from the Pro-Vice Chancellor and the NEP coordinator, senior faculty member Lakhon Kma assured students and parents.

The move follows concerns over a rumoured clause suggesting that stu-dents who enrol in the fourth year of the FYUP would forfeit their eligibil-ity for a three-year bachelor’s degree if they fail to clear their final-year papers, even if they have secured the required 120 credits.

Kma described the reported provi-sion as “absurd,” stating he found no such rule in University Ordinance OC-8 or Regulation RC-12. “I have gone through the relevant ordinances and regulations repeatedly and have not come across any such provision. If such a clause exists, it must be explained and, if found arbitrary, it will have to be done away with,” Kma said.

He confirmed the issue would be formally raised during the next Aca-demic Council meeting. Authorities will be asked to identify the source of the claim, which Kma said has caused “unnecessary anxiety.”

(Contd on P-7)

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, May 24: Sexual harassment allegations involving Meghalaya’s Under-23 women’s cricket team have exposed a deepening internal rift within the Meghalaya Cricket Association (MCA), revealing serious administrative discord between its top officials.

The controversy, currently under inquiry by the Meghalaya State Commission for Women (MSCW), has highlighted a breakdown in coordination between MCA President James PK Sangma and Honorary Secretary Rayonald Kharkamni.

The friction became evident through two conflicting player lists issued on March 31 for the Under-23 Women’s NECDC tournament in Sikkim. A list signed by Kharkamni named Baiahunlang Mylliemngap as team manager, removing Sanjay Mandal, (Contd on P-7)

===AUTHOR===

AFTER keeping the world on tenterhooks for nearly three months, signals have emerged simultaneously from both the US and Iran that an end to the war is in sight. Both sides hint that negotiations to end the war have reached the decisive last phase and the Strait of Hormuz could soon see a full normalisation of shipping traffic. Clearly, both sides are tired — and have learnt bitter lessons. Worse, the world was put through immense sufferings, hurting national economies and putting peoples’ lives in jeopardy. The US, which initiated the war in February this year with the avowed aim of forcing an end to Iran’s nuclear enrichment programme, but also with the intention of uprooting the Islamic Revolutionary Guards in Tehran, has burnt its fingers. A resolute Iranian leadership caused major disruptions to the global energy supplies by blocking the Strait — through which a fifth of the world’s energy supplies across continents took place. The Strait became Iran’s lethal bargaining chip to browbeat Uncle Sam.

President Donald Trump states on his twitter handle – Truth Social that chances of an end to the war are “50-50” while American negotiators say Iran would give up its enrichment programme. Iran has not confirmed this, but expressed optimism on Sunday that “the number of ships passing through the Strait a day could soon return to pre-war levels,” signalling the prospects of normalcy. Before the war started, up to 140 ships transited the Strait a day carrying crude, LPG, fertilizers etc. After a complete halt, Iran allowed ships to selectively pass through there after imposing hefty tariffs, but later imposed a complete blockade on vessels carrying cargo to and from the West. Thus, Iran partly offset the economic loss it suffered in the war. But, the retaliatory US blockade on Iranian ports meant the Islamic nation faced difficulty in selling its oil. All these curbs could likely end in a week or two if the present negotiations — also involving Pakistan’s army chief Asim Munir and some Gulf states including Israel fructify.

Significantly, having effected an abrupt ceasefire weeks ago, the US president is still facing pressure from home as well as from America’s Gulf allies and from public opinion around the world to halt the war once and for all. His latest response — that he has two options: hitting them “harder than ever” or “sign[ing] a deal that’s good” — meant the President is still keeping his options open. The problem, however, is that he has limited options. He has already used the full might of the US to bring Iran to its heel. Iran demonstrated its ability to retaliate and refused to both bend and crawl. Trump’s hidden agenda to get Iran’s oil for a song by installing a puppet regime there and thus make up for the huge economic losses his country suffered in this war, has failed. Clearly, he failed the Americans by what would now look like a misadventure. In a democracy, rulers cannot escape public retribution from their acts of omissions and commissions. The dictators in Iran need entertain no such worries.

By H H Mohrmen

Some pressure groups from Jaintia Hills recently stormed the Secretariat to protest against the proposed plan to establish a cement plant in the Nongkhlieh area. Later, some groups also protested at the office of the Deputy Commissioner of East Jaintia Hills over the same issue. This time, however, the matter is far more significant because the area where the plant is proposed to be established is located at Nongkhlieh, which is also home to the longest cave in the Indian subcontinent. In 2010, we successfully led a protest against Lafarge’s plan to set up a cement plant at Nongkhlieh, but this time it seems that the government is hell bent on destroying the longest cave in the subcontinent.

Krem Umjasew at 197 metres, Krem Umthloo at 188 metres, Pielklieng Sielkan Pouk at 180 metres, Krem Riang at 179 metres, Krem Riang at 154 metres, Krem Wahser at 145 metres, and Krem Shyien Khlieh at 143 metres (Brooks, Simon, April 2014).

More than eleven bat species have been recorded across the state’s caves, including the Greater Large Eared Horseshoe Bat, the Pomona Leaf Nosed Bat, and the Eastern Bent Winged Bat. The region is also famous for unique, translucent, and nearly eye-less fish. The Neolissochilus pnar, discovered in Krem Um Ladaw and Krem Rynjang, is the world’s largest known cave fish. Other rare blind species such as the Khung Loach (Schistura larketensis) from Krem Khung and Schistura papulifera from the Synrang Pamiang cave system also thrive in these subterranean waters. Krem Liat Prah, Um im Labit and Rubon, located in the Shnongrim Ridge and measuring approximately 30.4 kilometres, are the longest natural caves in India. Their limestone formation, biodi-versity, including cave adapted fauna, and ongoing exploration reflect both geological gran-deur and ecological sensitivity. It must be reiterated that these caves lie in the Shnongrim Ridge and will be affected if cement companies are allowed to operate in the area.

How Sustainable Is This Development?

The government decided to allow this process to continue despite repeated protests from the people?

The Shnongrim Ridge should be declared a heritage site, and we should nominate it for UNESCO World Heritage status. If we can nominate the Living Root Bridges, why can we not do the same to protect the longest cave in the subcontinent?

The government and the Chief Minister in particular, often speak about sustainable development. But the question is: how sustainable can the environment remain once this cement plant begins operating? Has the government conducted any studies on the adverse im-pact that cement plants have on the environment of East Jaintia Hills district? Do the existing cement plants follow SOPs and legal requirements when it comes to mining and the use of explosives? Recently, a video went viral showing smoke emitting from certain cement plant units in the area. Has the government done anything to ensure that these companies adhere to rules and regulations?

World Environment Day is approaching, and students will likely be lectured by the Chief Minister on the importance of protecting the environment. He may even plant a tree on the occasion while, at the same time, allowing the destruction of the environment and, in particular, the caves and their fauna. Is it not time for the pub-lic, and students in particular, to ask the Chief Minister to stop sermonising and instead practise what he preaches?

Caves and the Nongkhlieh Ridge

On May 18, members of JNC and JSU, along with the villagers of Daistong, went to Shillong to protest against the proposed public hearing for the establishment of a cement plant in Elaka Nongkhlieh. Now why should the establish-ment of any industry in this area be barred by all means?

According to Wikipedia, India’s longest and deepest caves are predominantly con-centrated in the state of Me-ghalaya, which is home to all ten of the longest cave systems in the country. Most of these caves are found in East Jaintia Hills district.

An article published by the National Cave Research and Protection Organization in Ambience Science, India, Vol. 1(2): 59 to 60, in 2014, listed the longest and deepest glacier ice caves, the lists of the longest and deepest limestone caves in the Indian subconti-nent are as follows.

The longest cave in the Indian subcontinent, excluding glacier ice caves, is Krem Liat Prah, Um im Labit M and Ru-bon, located in the Shnongrim Ridge of East Jaintia Hills, Meghalaya, measuring 30,397 metres in length. It is followed by Krem Tyngheng Diengjem at 21,775 metres, Krem Kotsati Umlawan at 21,530 metres, Krem Umthloo Synrang La-bit at 18,181 metres, Krem Synrang Pamiang at 14,157 metres, Pielklieng Sielkan Pouk at 12,434 metres, Krem Shrieh at 8,862 metres, Krem Labit Kseh at 7,499 metres, Krem Khung at 7,349 metres, and Krem Mawkhyrdop at 7,194 metres.

The ten deepest caves in the subcontinent also begin with Krem Synrang Pamiang which is 317 metres deep, followed by Krem Kotsati at 215 metres, Krem Umjasew at 197 metres, Krem Umthloo at 188 metres, Pielklieng Sielkan Pouk at 180 metres, Pakaw Puk at 170 metres, Krem Shrieh at 169 metres, Krem Risang at 154 metres, Krem Wahser at 145 metres, and Krem Shyien Khlieh at 143 metres (Brooks, Simon, April 2014).

The Archaeological Heritage at Daistong

Apart from the cave, Dais-tong also has three huge dol-mens on the top of Daistong hill known as “Kjet u Sajar.” On one of these three flat stones, there is an imprint of a giant footprint believed to be that of the legendary U Sajar Niangli.

The Cave We Have Lost

Take the example of Krem Kotsati Umlawan in Lium-shnong village, measuring 21,530 metres. After cement plants were allowed to operate in the Narpuh area, it is now no longer safe even to enter the cave. With rampant limestone mining in the area, which also uses explosives, it may not be wrong to say that Krem Kotsati Umlawan is now becoming part of history.

Considering the rich heri-tage of this area, why is the government still hell bent on destroying it? It is an open secret that cement companies continue to expand, and only the wealth of the promoters of these plants grows many hundredfold. Yet why has the government decided to allow this process to continue despite repeated protests from the people?

Cement Plants and Economic Growth

Have the existing cement plants helped grow the econo-my of the state, or even that of East Jaintia Hills district? Do we even have data on these im-portant economic indicators? What we do have are reports in the press on the findings of commissions questioning where these cement plants obtain coal to operate despite the coal ban.

The general idea is that an area, a state, or even a country develops when it becomes industrialised. However, this does not appear to be true for Meghalaya or East Jaintia Hills. The cement plants in East Jaintia Hills include Star Cement Ltd., Star Cement Meghalaya Ltd., Meghala-ya Cements Ltd., Topcem, Dalmia Cement Bharat Ltd., Amrit Cement Ltd., Hills Ce-ment Company Ltd., Green Valley Industries Ltd., Gold-stone Cement Ltd., Meghalaya Technical and Engineers Pvt. Ltd., Jaintia Cements Ltd., Adhunik Cement Ltd., and JUD, at Thangskai. With more than ten cement plants, East Jaintia Hills is perhaps the most industrialised district in the state. Apart from cement plants, East Jaintia Hills district also has many coke plants, yet people continue to complain about unemployment. The question is how many local youths have been employed by these companies. More importantly, how have these cement plants contributed to the economy of the district or the state? Why do people still depend on coal and continue pleading with the government to allow the resumption of coal mining?

Prime Minister’s Fascination for the Caves

Even Prime Minister, Nar-endra Modi showed his interest in the cave systems of Megha-laya when he mentioned the caves in two of his Mann Ki Baat broadcasts to the nation. The first time was when he recognised the work of the Me-ghalaya Adventure Association and Bryan Kharpran Daly in particular, and the second time was when Neolissochilus pnar, the largest cave fish, was discovered in the region.

Cement Plants and Vested Interests

The President of JNC has raised a very important ques-tion: why is Conrad K. Sangma silent on this issue? This is important because the author-ity to allow industrial opera-tions in the state through the single window system lies directly under the control of the Chief Minister’s Office. Is there something beyond what meets the eye? The public has the right to know because the state’s resources are public resources.

When Will It Be Enough?

How many more cement plants do we want in the state? Does the Meghalaya Demo-cratic Alliance government want to make East Jaintia Hills the cement capital of the coun-try? The government should not permit the establishment of another cement plant anywhere unless it first presents a white paper showing the people of this state how much the state has benefited from these ce-ment plants and coke factories, and what impact they have had on the environment and society as a whole. The many protests organised by different groups have exposed one undeniable truth: the people have had enough. But is the government listening?

By Patrick P. Sawian

The article “Is Khasi Identity Heading Toward a Constitutional Crisis?” by Bhogtorom Mawroh, in The Shillong Times issue dated 23rd May 2026, raises a provocative and intel- lectually stimulating concern regarding the future of Khasi identity, customary law and constitutional protections in Me- ghalaya. Using the succession dispute in Hima Sohra and the PIL filed by Syngkhong Rympei Thymmai against matrilineal lineage laws as reference points, the article argues that attempts to reinterpret or dilute Khasi customary systems may eventu- ally trigger a constitutional crisis with far-reaching implications for Scheduled Tribe status, Sixth Schedule autonomy, and even land ownership patterns in Meghalaya. At one level, the article deserves credit for drawing attention to a deeply important issue often ignored in mainstream Indian constitu- tional discussions: the fragile re- lationship between tribal identity and customary continuity. The article correctly observes that many constitutional protections granted to tribal communities in India are historically tied to the preservation of distinctive customary systems, indigenous governance structures, lineage practices and traditional social institutions. In that sense, the anxiety surrounding the weaken- ing of Khasi customary institu- tions is not entirely imaginary.

However, while the article raises legitimate concerns, it also tends at times toward constitu- tional alarmism by implying that social evolution or reinterpreta- tion of customs could inevitably culminate in the collapse of Khasi constitutional protec- tions. The reality is far more complicated.

The strongest argument in the article concerns the gradual erosion of Khasi customary institutions themselves. There is little doubt that Khasi society is undergoing profound trans- formation. Urbanization, migra- tion, global education, private property economics, intermar- riage, nuclear family structures and globalization are steadily re- shaping traditional relationships within the Kur, the authority of the Kñi and the functioning of the Dorbar system. Younger generations increasingly par- ticipate in globalized modernity rather than living entirely within clan-based customary frame- works. This cultural drift is real and observable, irrespective of which political party governs India or Meghalaya.

The article is therefore cor- rect in arguing that if traditional institutions weaken excessively, the philosophical basis of tribal autonomy may also weaken over time. Courts in India have occasionally examined the con- tinuity of customary practices while dealing with tribal iden- tity disputes. The Supreme Court judgment discussed in the article, especially its em- phasis on retaining essential tribal characteristics and social organization, understandably alarms communities that fear cultural assimilation. Yet the article arguably stretches this concern too far when it suggests that patriliny, reinterpretation of succession, or social moderniza- tion could realistically lead to widespread loss of Scheduled Tribe status in the foreseeable future. India already recognizes many tribal communities that have undergone enormous social transformation through Christi- anity, capitalism, urbanization, electoral politics and modern education while still retaining ST recognition. Tribal iden- tity under Indian constitutional practice has never depended exclusively on preserving one isolated customary feature in a frozen historical form.

If constitutional identity re- quired absolute preservation of pre-modern customs, many tribal communities across India would already have lost their status decades ago. Khasi society itself has changed dramatically under colonial administration, mis- sionary influence, and modern state structures. Yet Khasi iden- tity survives robustly. The issue therefore is not whether Khasi society changes, but whether it changes so radically that it becomes entirely indistinguish- able from dominant non-tribal social systems. That is a much higher threshold than the article sometimes implies.

The article also places sub- stantial emphasis on the PIL challenging matrilineal lineage laws. Here again, the deeper is- sue may not simply be “tradition versus anti-tradition,” but rather competing interpretations of how Khasi society should mod- ernize. Reformist Khasi groups argue that customary systems contain ambiguities and inequi- ties requiring reinterpretation in contemporary contexts. Their critics see such reforms as dan- gerous openings through which constitutional protections may gradually unravel. The conflict is therefore not merely between Delhi and Khasi tradition, but also between competing Khasi visions of modernity itself.

Another important dimen- sion raised indirectly by the article is the fear of centraliza- tion within the Indian Union. Although there is no publicly proven conspiracy to dismantle Khasi institutions, indigenous anxieties do not emerge in a vacuum. Across India, especial- ly under stronger centralized political currents, there has been increasing emphasis on legal uniformity, national integration, centralized governance, and harmonization of exceptional regional arrangements.

From this perspective, insti- tutions such as Sixth Schedule councils, customary inheritance systems, and tribe-specific gov- ernance structures may appear ideologically awkward within a highly centralized nation-state model. This partly explains why many indigenous communities become suspicious whenever customary succession systems are litigated or autonomous institutions are weakened po- litically. History offers many examples where negotiated autonomies were gradually diluted through administrative integration rather than outright abolition. Native American treaty systems in the United States, the dismantling of clan authority in the Scottish High- lands, the erosion of princely autonomy in post-independence India, and the gradual dilution of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir all demonstrate how central states often expand au- thority incrementally over long periods. Centralization rarely announces itself dramatically.

It typically advances through legal reinterpretation, admin- istrative standardization, eco- nomic integration, educational homogenization, weakening of traditional elites, and genera- tional cultural change.

Seen in that global historical context, the anxieties put out in the article are neither irrational nor unique.

At the same time, however, indigenous fear can itself be- come politically absolutist. One danger in debates surrounding identity is the temptation to treat all reform as existential be- trayal. Societies cannot remain permanently frozen in the exact form they existed centuries ago. Customary systems his- torically evolved continuously even before colonialism and constitutionalism emerged. The challenge is therefore not whether Khasi society modern- izes, but whether modernization can occur without severing the deeper cultural logic that sustains Khasi identity.

The more immediate and realistic risks facing Khasi society are probably not sud- den constitutional extinction, but slower structural tensions involving commercialization of ancestral property, weakening clan accountability, politiciza- tion of identity, generational fragmentation, and increasing conflict between constitutional modernity and customary law. These are serious concerns, but they differ from apocalyptic scenarios predicting imminent collapse of Sixth Schedule protections or sudden mass removal of ST status.

The article succeeds best not as a literal constitutional prediction, but as a warning against civilizational compla- cency. Its silver lining is that it serves as a stark reminder to Khasi society that customary systems cannot survive merely through slogans or emotional attachment. Institutions survive only when communities con- tinue practicing, adapting, and legitimizing them meaningfully across generations.

The deeper question con- fronting Khasi society today is therefore neither simple traditionalism nor blind mod- ernization. It is whether Khasi identity can evolve intelligently without dissolving the custom- ary foundations that historically justified its constitutional dis- tinctiveness within the Indian Union; and perhaps that, more than succession disputes or litigation over lineage alone, is the real constitutional question looming quietly over Megha- laya’s future.